Former Democratic Senator and presidential candidate George McGovern continues to speak out against the so-called Employee Free Choice Act, which he has described as an effort to undermine workplace democracy, because it would replace secret ballot elections with a process known as “card check,” whereby union organizers ask employees to sign union cards out in the open. Video below.
January 2012
…My local CVS, even though I’m eyebrows-deep in their ExtraValue coupons and they probably even have my DNA and all that, gave me a 5-bucks-off offer on Futuro Compression Hosiery.
And, yes, Wayne is my middle name.
The Congressional Oversight Panel (COP), which oversees the spending of TARP funds, released its March report today entitled “Foreclosure Crisis: Working Toward a Solution.”
But are we actually facing a foreclosure crisis? The left chastises “deregulation” as the evil at hand when the Government Sponsored Entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac purchased the majority of subprime loans. This in turn forced private banks to enter the market in order to compete with Fannie and Freddie.
As Rep. Rep. Jeb Hensarling writes, subsidizing foreclosures creates a moral hazard (emphasis added):
[I]t is a fact even admitted by the majority report that some loan modifications are simply not economical and thus some foreclosures are inevitable.
So the government is going to bailout everyone. Thank you. The next question becomes much more difficult: where should the line be drawn? Rep. Hensarling writes in his alternative view (emphasis in original):
Without a doubt, in any loan mitigation program there will be some otherwise eligible borrowers who can pay their mortgages but who choose not to pay them or not to make the difficult decisions to sacrifice on other things because they want to get relief.
However, this has been “nearly universally omitted” from government plans.
According to a Comptroller of the Currency and Office of Thrift Supervision report, the rate of delinquency after loan modification has increased from the first to second quarter of 2008: jumping to slightly over 40%.
So, if loan modification is largely not working in over half of the scenarios, why should we spend $100 billion dollars? Then again, government is used to throwing money at programs that have massive failure rates.
If you think this is bad news, look at the statistics of who’s really having loan problems now. A Mortgage Bankers Association report found that second homes accounted for about a fifth of foreclosures in 2007.
Then the fun begins. According to a U.S. Census Bureau survey, only 46% of the population actually has a mortgage: the other 54% have paid off their mortgage or rent.
But the federal government is involved in the supposed mortgage problem because it is a problem that affects our country at large, right? Wrong. Only nine states have foreclosure rates above the national average.
The delinquency statistics: loans over due by 30 days account for a mere 7.29% of loans and those in foreclosure, a minuscule 2.97%. So about 10% of loans are late. This number alone creates a mystery to the hysteria, however, when combined with the fact that less the half of Americans have a mortgage the number reduces by half: 5%.
Rep. Hensarling asks (again, emphasis in original):
Is it fair to expect 19 out of every 20 people to pay more in taxes to help the 20th person maintain their current residence?
As a lover of liberty and limited government, the answer is clearly no.
[youtube:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4uYt7K7udXI 285 234]
The New York Times reported this week that the Peanut Corporation of America plants in Texas and Georgia that were shipping salmonella contaminated peanut products were not just any old kind of food companies; they were certified organic. Furthermore, it was a Texas state employee who was responsible for granting the organic certification of at least one plant, despite the fact that it didn’t have state health certificate. And it was a private-sector certification firm that blew the whistle on this malfeasance.
This week, Dr Anne Layne-Farrar, an economist with the Law and Economics Consulting Group, published a new study in which she analyzes the likely economic effects of the so-called Employee Free Choice Act if it were to be enacted, especially on employment. EFCA would replace secret ballots in union organizing elections with a process known as card check, whereby union organizers ask employees to sign union cards out in public, thus exposing workers to high-pressure tactics which secret ballots are designed to avoid. Labor unions see this as a way to revive their declining number. The summary of Layne-Farrar’s findings includes:
[P]assing EFCA would likely increase the US unemployment rate and decrease US job creation substantially. The precise effect on unemployment will depend on the degree to which EFCA increases union density, but for every 3 percentage points gained in union membership through card checks and mandatory arbitration, the following year’s unemployment rate is predicted to increase by 1 percentage point and job creation is predicted to fall by around 1.5 million jobs. Thus, if EFCA passed today and resulted in an increase in unionization from the current rate of about 12% to 15%, then unionized workers would increase from 15.5 to 19.6 million while unemployment a year from now would rise by 1.5 million, to 10.4 million. If EFCA were to increase the percentage of private sector union membership by between 5 and 10 percentage points, as some have suggested, my analysis indicates that unemployment would increase by 2.3 to 5.4 million in the following year and the unemployment rate would increase by 1.5 to 3.5 percentage points in the following year.
As Layne-Farrar explained in a press conference call today, she analyzed the experience of Canada with both card check and secret ballots. Union organizing in Canada is set at the provincial, rather than federal level, so different provicial policies allow for contrast. As she explained, several provinces have moved from card check to secret ballots, while one went the other way. To control for other factors, she said she did a regression going back 22 years.
Study available for download here.
For more on card check, see here.
I certainly take Alex’s point that libertarians can disagree about the appropriateness of federal preemption of state tort law. Indeed, Justice Thomas’s concurring opinion lays out a strong textual case against implied preemption of state law in all cases. However, there are a few points I was not able to make in yesterday’s post that better elucidate why preemption is better policy given the narrow facts presented in Wyeth v. Levine. And, Justice Alito’s dissenting opinion — after pointing out a few misleading statements of fact in Justice Stevens’s majority opinion — shows why, if one accepts the current state of implied preemption caselaw, the Court’s majority decision is bad law.
Stevens’s majority opinion asserts that, regardless of FDA’s regulation, “the manufacturer bears responsibility for the content of its label at all times.” It further argues that, FDA can’t keep track of all safety issues that arise after a drug is approved, that the agency never specifically made a determination regarding the safety of IV-push administration, and that Wyeth could have changed its label without FDA’s pre-approval after receiving information regarding the risk of arterial injection of Phenergan.
However, as Justice Alito’s dissent makes clear, FDA repeatedly and intensively investigated this exact question after cases of severe tissue damage connected to the use of Phenergan began to emerge after the drug’s approval in 1955, and the agency approved several changes to the drug’s label that boosted the warnings accordingly. Indeed, Levine and her attorneys conceded that, in 1988, Wyeth proposed a label change that “if followed, would have prevented the inadvertent administration of Phenergan into an artery,” but the FDA rejected that language. Further, no new evidence of Phenergan’s risks has emerged in decades.
The Court majority nevertheless concluded that there was some other conceivable way for Wyeth to have ramped up its warning short of Levine’s preferred route of ruling out IV-push injection altogether, which the FDA rejected. Thus, FDA regulation is a “floor” below which state law cannot fall, but that the agency’s drug labeling regulation should not preempt state tort laws that require a more strict approach.
Unfortunately, that conflicts with reasonable and long-standing Court precedent regarding implied conflict pre-emption of state laws elucidated most recently in Geier v. American Honda. As Justice Alito’s dissent makes clear, “the ordinary principles of conflict pre-emption turn solely on whether a State has upset the regulatory balance struck by the federal agency.” That is exactly what has happened here.
There is no such thing as a perfectly safe drug, but on balance most drugs offer more benefit than harm. Congress established the FDA and enacted the Food, Drug and Cosmetics Act and subsequent amendments giving the agency statutory authority over questions of safety and efficacy because it believed that a federal expert body could most effectively balance the benefits and risks of new medicines. FDA made a decision that permitting IV-push injection provides greater benefits than could be achieved with the alternative of deep tissue injection, and that those benefits outweighed the risks. Permitting state tort law to over-ride that determination upsets the regulatory balance struck by FDA.
Thus, contrary to Alex’s suggestion, allowing Ms. Levine’s claim here would in effect act as a ban – not one that removes the drug from the market, but one that removes one “safe and effective” use of the drug from its label. And, while physicians may prescribe a drug for an “off-label” use, if a use is not identified on the label, the manufacturer can’t tell anyone about it. That restricts the ability of doctors to receive information about possible uses, and it means that some patients will not be able to benefit from some drugs.
Finally, it is relevant, as Alex notes, that the existence of FDA regulation as a legal floor means that the tort system acts as a check on FDA decision-making, but only in one direction: toward greater regulation. Alex is right. “This IS one of these questions about what to do in the real world, where first-best solutions just aren’t politically possible” (emphasis added). So, I think it’s reasonable for we libertarians to support the less bad position that, if our society is going to create a regulatory gatekeeper for drugs and empower it to make risk-benefit balancing decisions on our behalf, then we should not permit lay juries to ratchet up that regulation in circumstances in which all reasonably available information about risks and benefits is internalized into the system.