January 2012

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Al Gore 1984

by Cord Blomquist on May 13, 2009

in Video

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Obama’s proposed tax increases create a massive financial penalty for married couples, by subjecting them to much higher income taxes than if they had chosen to live together without getting married. (Unmarried people voted decisively for Obama. But as the Associated Press notes, “married people tend to favor” Republicans like McCain).

Under the tax increases contained in Obama’s recent budget proposals, a married couple making $232,000 a year would be in a higher tax bracket than many unmarried couples making $370,000 a year. Simply by getting married, a man and woman making $170,000 each would be pushed up from their current level of 28 percent to 36 percent. But an unmarried couple making $340,000 a year ($170,000 each) would be taxed at 28 percent. And a married couple making $380,000 would be taxed at 39.6 percent — not counting certain adjustments that bring the rate to 40.7 percent. (That’s just the federal standard rate. You have to add to that state income taxes (up to 10.3 percent), and federal self-employment taxes, which many small business owners pay — which could result in marginal rates of well over 60 percent).

Obama’s proposals impose tax increases on any single person making over $190,650. Worse, they increase taxes on all married couples making over $231,300 — even if each spouse only makes half of that, or $115,650, far less than the $190,650 that drives up the rate for singles.

These tax increases are breaches of Obama’s campaign promise not to raise taxes on people making less than $250,000 a year, which he earlier broke by signing into law the regressive SCHIP excise tax increase and by proposing a global-warming “cap-and-trade” energy tax that could charge up to $2 trillion.

It’s part of a long line of broken promises, such as Obama’s pledge to enact a “net spending cut,” which he flouted with proposed budgets that will explode the national debt through $9.3 trillion in massively increased deficit spending.

Here is mega-accounting firm Deloitte’s summary of Obama’s tax increases:

“Tax increases, deduction limitations for high-income earners

Second, Obama’s budget outline delivers on several of his campaign promises to increase income taxes on higher-income individuals, including:

* Reinstating the top two individual income tax rates, currently 33 and 35 percent, at their pre-2001 levels – 36 and 39.6 percent – beginning in 2011. The 36 percent bracket would begin at taxable income of $190,650 for singles and $231,300 for married couples. While the budget proposal does not specifically indicate the taxable income level at which the 39.6 percent rate would apply, under current law for 2009, the highest tax bracket starts at $372,950 for singles and married couples. Presumably, this taxable income level would not likely change significantly for the new 39.6 percent bracket, although the Obama administration says the taxable income levels for this rate would “vary by filing status.” The 28 percent tax rate bracket would be expanded to reflect modifications to the upper limit of that bracket (where the 36 percent bracket would begin).
* Increasing the capital gains and dividends rate to 20 percent for taxpayers in 36 and 39.6 percent tax brackets. The reduced rates on gains on assets held over five years would be repealed. In both cases, the increased rates would apply beginning in 2011.
* Reinstating in 2011 the personal exemption phase-out and itemized deduction limitation, which are scheduled to be fully phased out starting in 2010. Phase-out thresholds would be $200,000 of adjusted gross income for singles and $250,000 for joint filers.

In effect, the Obama budget would raise the top income tax rate, considering these phase-outs, to 40.79 percent.”

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Energy and Commerce Ranking Member Joe Barton (R-TX) hits a home run in this oped, which says everything you need to know about the Waxman-Markey cap-and-tax bill.

Doug Koplow of Earth Track, assisted by researchers with Friends of the Earth, has produced a new study, A Boon to Bad Biofuels, on the taxpayer cost of federal biofuel tax credits and mandates. The numbers are staggering.

In 2008, federal support for ethanol and biodiesel totalled more than $9.5 billion. The subsidy system has two main components:

  1. The Renewable Fuels Standard (RFS), which mandates increased blending of biofuels into the national motor fuel supply, ramping up from 9 billion gallons in 2008 to 36 billion in 2022.
  2. Tax credits including the Volumetric Ethanol Excise Tax Credit (VEETC), which pays out $0.45 for each gallon of corn ethanol; a parallel program for biodiesel worth $1.00 per gallon; and a production tax credit that pays $1.01 for each gallon of cellulosic ethanol produced.

“In their current form, these tax credits scale linearly with production, without limit,” notes Koplow. This means that the $9.5 billion in subsidies in 2008 increases six-fold to $60 billion in 2022, “due both to more production and to a shift to more heavily subsidized cellulosic fuels.” The cumulative cost from 2008 to 2022: $420 billion, nearly 40% of which will go to the corn industry.

But wait, there may be more. As a candidate, Obama proposed to up the RFS to 60 billion gallons by 2030. If this proposal is adopted, “subsidies would top $120 billion per year by the end of the period, for a cumulative subsidy during the 2008-2030 period of more than $1 trillion.”

Kudos to Koplow and his colleagues at Friends of the Earth for this important contribution.

Richard Morrison and Cord Blomquist bring back special guest co-host Jeremy Lott to create the work of art known as Episode 42. We start with the continuing buzz over the Supreme Court’s next member, President Obama’s trillion dollar healthcare plan, and an update on how Hugo Chávez is turning Venezuela’s petroleum reserves into his personal piggybank. We add good news from East Texas for beer drinkers, bad news from Europe for technophiles and sad news from Philly for basketball fans.

Listen to the episode HERE.

Maybe forever! 

On April 30, Sen. John Barrasso (R-WY) placed a hold on the nomination of Regina McCarthy as Assistant Administrator of the EPA Office of Air and Radiation. “The nominee has failed to address serious concerns” about how the EPA would regulate greenhouse gases (GHGs) under the Clean Air Act, once the Agency finalizes its endangerment finding, Barrasso stated. 

The endangerment finding will compel EPA to establish GHG standards for new motor vehicles. This will make carbon dioxide (CO2) a pollutant “subject to regulation” under the Act’s Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) pre-construction permitting program. An estimated 1.2 million previously unregulated buildings and facilities emit enough CO2 each year (250 tons) to qualify as “major stationary sources” under the PSD program. All would become vulnerable to new controls, monitoring, paperwork, penalties, and litigation. In 2003, the average PSD permit cost each applicant $125,120 and 866 burden hours to obtain.

Last week, Sen. Barrasso asked Ms. McCarthy how she would protect small businesses from PSD lawuits. The nominee replied that she will “request that I be informed if any such notice is filed with regard to a small source, and I will follow up with the potential litigants.” Barrasso commented: “The solution to this problem is not to have government officials go around asking litigants not to sue. That is not a solution and entirely unrealistic. I expect more.”

Short of amending the Clean Air Act, however, there may be no solution–which means Sen. Barrasso may have to keep the “hold” on for a very long time. The law clearly states that an entity must obtain a PSD permit before it builds or modifies a facility with the potential to emit 250 tons per year (TPY) of a regulated air pollutant, and all kinds of non-industrial facilities–office buildings, big box stores, apartment complexes, enclosed malls, heated warehouses, even commercial kitchens–actually emit 250 TPY of CO2.

In his press release, Barrasso cites a Wall Street Journal article stating that Kassie Siegel, Director of the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute, plans to sue EPA if the Agency does not apply PSD requirements to small sources. Siegel denied this in an email to Greenwire (subscription required): “The Center for Biological Diversity is not going to sue the EPA to regulate small sources of carbon dioxide, nor is anyone else.” But she cannot possibly know that no NIMBY activist somewhere will not file a PSD suit to block or delay construction of new Wal-Mart stores, strip malls, fast food restaurants, etc.

Besides, as Borrasso pointed out in a press release last Friday, in its comment on EPA’s Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, the Center for Biological Diversity lauds the PSD program as “an effective tool for reducing GHG emissions” precisely because ”it applies to a wide array of sources that will emit in excess of the applicable statutory thresholds of 250 or 100 tons per year.”

The Center further comments that, “the asserted belief of EPA officials that the statutory requirements are burdensome or not ‘efficient’ as they should be simply does not excuse the agency from following the law. The EPA has no authority to weaken the requirements of the statute simply because political appointees don’t like the law’s requirements.”

The Center files lots of lawsuits, and they just established a $17 million litigation fund to ensure that U.S. environmental statutes are “fully implemented” to reduce GHG emissions. In keeping with this, the Center’s ANPR comment argues that EPA “must” establish National Ambient Air Quality Standard (NAAQS) for CO2 of no more than 350 parts per million. Even outright de-industrialization of the United States would likely be insufficient to meet that standard. Maybe that’s why the Center has no plan to sue EPA to regulate small sources. If the Center successfully sues EPA to set NAAQS for CO2 at 350 ppm, there won’t be many businesses left to regulate.

David Bookbinder, chief climate council for the Sierra Club, similarly dismissed Borrasso’s concerns about PSD regulation of small sources. Asked what his response to Borrasso would be, Bookbinder told BNA (subscription required): “Nothing you could print.”

Yet earlier this year, the Sierra Club decided not to put a stay on Bush EPA Administrator Stephen Johnson’s interpretative rule limiting PSD to air pollutants currently subject to emission controls–a category that does not include CO2. Bookbinder acknowledged to Greenwire that if Johnson’s rule were simply overturned, EPA would have to regulate small sources of CO2. He explained: ”The Clean Air Act has language in there that is kind of all or nothing if CO2 gets regulated, and it could be unbelievably complicated and administratively nightmarish for both EPA and the states if they were to yank the Johnson memo and not have something in place that makes it clear that we’re going after only the very large sources.”

The real nightmare would be for the firms regulated, not the regulators. Like Siegel, Bookbinder presumes to speak for all potential litigants. In reality, neither Sierra Club nor Center for Biological Diversity has a monopoly on Clean Air Act litigation. The law is clear–250  tons is the threshold for regulation. And all it takes is one NIMBY activist to file the citizen suit that forces EPA to follow the law.

President Obama could quickly fix the whole problem if he wanted to. All he’d have to do is offer legislation to preclude EPA regulation of greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act. Nearly all Republicans and many Democrats in Congress would vote for it, because it would protect our ailing economy from litigation-driven regulatory excess.

But Obama will not do this, because he wants to use the threat of EPA regulation under the Clean Air Act as a legislative hammer to beat opponents of the Waxman-Markey cap-and-tax bill into submission. This is too clever by half, however, as I argue here and here. If EPA does bring the might and fury of the Clean Air Act down upon CO2 emitters, Obama will have to take major responsibility for the increase in energy prices, the lost jobs, and the shuttered businesses.

Apparently, not only are state lawmakers in Minnesota as noted earlier today blindly banning useful consumer products. International bureaucrats are working on misguided bans as well.

We here at CEI have noted the dangers of ill-advised chemical bans, such as the bans by nations around the world related to the pesticide DDT. Such bans have impeded the battle against malaria-carrying mosquitoes—contributing to millions of deaths every year.

The Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (known as the POPs Treaty) has already banned 12 chemicals. Among them was DDT. But after public health officials protested an outright ban, the treaty negotiators provided a limited exemption for DDT. It allows some use for malaria control, while imposing bureaucracy that makes use needlessly more difficult.

Now world bureaucrats have added 9 more chemicals to the list of POPs Treaty bans—which will take effect as each nation acts to ratify them.

There isn’t much of any data showing any significant, adverse public health impacts from trace exposures to these chemicals. But there’s lots of evidence that they provide important public health and safety values today. Unfortunately, treaties like this one do not adequately consider the benefits of the products they ban, just theoretical risks.

Accordingly, international negotiators are now going after chemicals that help put out fires, help prevent fires, remove head lice, and make our computers run safely. To add insult to injury, they plan to phase out the limited exemption for DDT—threatening to further undermine the battle against deadly malaria.

For information on the health implications of trace-level chemicals see the chemical risk sections of CEI’s Environmental Source.

(photo source: millenniumpromise’s photostream)