January 2012

Rapidly-rising Medicare spending already threatens “to crush the federal budget,” and much Medicare spending is wasteful, yet the Obama Administration claims it can somehow save money by creating Medicare-like programs to cover all Americans. In the New York Times, economics professor Tyler Cowan calls it “the new voodoo economics.” Washington Post columnist Robert Samuelson concludes that Obama’s health-care plan “is naive, hypocritical or simply dishonest. Probably all three.”

Obama is firing an inspector general who exposed wrongdoing by one of his supporters, and previously uncovered millions of dollars in waste and fraud in the troubled AmeriCorps program, whose budget is being dramatically increased by the Obama Administration. Inspector General Gerald Walpin was fired after he uncovered misuse of Americorps funds and sought to keep the wrongdoer from accessing federal “stimulus money.” The recently-passed stimulus package repealed welfare reform, and it subsidizes waste and corruption.

Congress is moving towards passing a “cash for clunkers” bill that would give people tax credits, but only if they own an old gas-guzzler that they are trading in for a new car. So if you bought a fuel-efficient car in the past, your tax dollars will be used for welfare for people who bought inefficient cars (cars with less than 18 MPG). The bill will increase the national debt (and thus future taxes) by billions of dollars. As Mike Budnick notes in the Wall Street Journal, “This type of legislation rewards people who have made poor decisions and penalizes only people who have already made good choices. Not the kind of incentive that we should propagate. Let the market work.”

Taxpayers are being ripped off to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars to enrich wealthy buyers of so-called “toxic assets.” Meanwhile, the Obama Administration’s $787 billion stimulus package is actually killing jobs and shrinking the economy.

Congress passed an FDA tobacco regulation bill, but not without adding insidious provisions that will reduce competition in the tobacco industry, and actually make it harder to introduce products that reduce the harms and health risks of tobacco, notes the Wall Street Journal. We earlier described the bill’s pitfalls and counterproductive provisions. Obama has said he will sign the bill into law.

Billions of tax dollars are being spent on bailing out carmakers, but the primary beneficiaries of this corporate welfare are not the car companies themselves, which could have survived without federal bailouts by simply abrogating their collective bargaining agreements and dealer-contracts in a standard bankruptcy-court reorganization, but the United Auto Workers Union, which spent millions electing Obama and is now calling the shots. Taxpayers and pension funds are being ripped off to enrich the UAW, which enjoys wages much higher than the average American.

A similar government bailout of the auto industry actually backfired in England in the 1970s, destroying its carmakers by leaving them with excessive wages, inefficiency, and political meddling in car design.

Now, even liberal commentators are questioning whether the mushrooming auto bailouts pass constitutional muster, such as Charles Lane in today’s Washington Post. (Lane is so liberal and pro-government that in a front page article in 2003, he characterized the Supreme Court’s 2003 decisions as collectively being great for “civil liberties,” even though he admitted that the Supreme Court had rejected free speech claims in 7 out of its 8 First Amendment cases that term, largely because Lane approved of its decision upholding the University of Michigan Law School’s race-based affirmative action plan — even though legally permissible affirmative-action plans are a discretionary government function, not an individual right or civil-liberty).

Conservative columnist George Will also has a column today criticizing the auto bailouts. He points out that the Administration’s current claim that it can use TARP bank-bailout money for an auto bailout is at odds with the Treasury Department’s past admissions to the contrary: “Last September, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson testified to the Senate that TARP money was necessary for ailing ‘financial institutions.’ Nowhere in the bill’s 169 pages was there any reference to government funding of ‘automobile’ or ‘manufacturing’ companies. In November, Paulson told a House committee: ‘I’ve said to you very clearly that I believe that the auto companies fall outside of [TARP's] purpose.’”

Earlier, commentators like the Heritage Foundation, Clinton Administration Labor Secretary Robert Reich, and liberal journalist Andrew Sullivan all agreed that the auto bailouts are illegal or unconstitutional.

Obama is firing an inspector general, Gerald Walpin, who uncovered wrongdoing by a prominent Obama supporter and opposed letting him off the hook.

Ironically, when Obama recently nominated a liberal judge to the Supreme Court, his Administration trumpeted Walpin’s support for her.

Walpin is the Inspector General for the Americorps program, which is riddled with waste, fraud, and ideological misuse of taxpayer funds. Walpin “has been doing a good job” and he has “identified millions of dollars in AmeriCorps funds that were wasted or misspent,” notes Senator Grassley.

But when Walpin recently exposed wrongdoing by a prominent Obama supporter, Kevin Johnson, Obama moved to fire Walpin. Walpin protested the Administration’s failure to hold Johnson, a liberal mayor, accountable for using taxpayer money to pay for “political activities” and pay volunteers to run “personal errands for” Johnson “and even wash his car.”

Obama staffers and supporters are now falsely claiming that Walpin, whom the Obama Administration recently quoted as an authority (given his stature as a highly-respected former federal prosecutor and big-name law firm partner with clients across the political spectrum), is a right-wing nut (a ridiculous claim).

Walpin notes that although he uncovered massive wrongdoing by Johnson, it has led only to a sham settlement: $350,000 that is supposed to be paid back to the taxpayers never will be, since the entity that Johnson used to receive taxpayer money and spend it on himself now “is insolvent,” and its “settlement agreement was carefully drafted so that no obligation is imposed on” Johnson for that money, only the defunct entity he controlled. That’s so even though it was Johnson who used Americorps money to pay volunteers to “wash his car” and run “personal errands” for him.

The Senate has just passed the FDA tobacco regulation bill by a 79-to-17 vote. The bill now goes to President Obama, who has said he will sign it. The bill has odd and counterproductive provisions. Curiously, the bill would deny companies’ protection against “tort liability — even if they rigorously follow every FDA rule.”

As I noted earlier, FDA regulation may actually undermine public health by making it harder to market to smokers other tobacco products, like snus, that are not as lethal as cigarettes. As Jacob Sullum notes, the law will require snus “to carry a warning that it ‘is not a safe alternative to cigarettes,’” even though “there’s no question that snus is far less hazardous than cigarettes.” And to even “introduce a ‘modified risk product,’ a manufacturer has to convince the FDA not only that the product will ‘significantly reduce harm and the risk of tobacco-related disease to individual tobacco users’ but also that it will ‘benefit the health of the population as a whole, taking into account both users of tobacco products and persons who do not currently use tobacco products.’”

In the Washington Examiner, Tim Carney wrote earlier about how the bill would reduce competition in the tobacco industry and enrich the biggest cigarette company — Philip Morris — at the expense of consumers and competitors alike. Although the bill is supported by leading anti-smoking groups (which indirectly receive money from Big Tobacco through the $246 billion Master Settlement Agreement), the bill’s “most important ally” is “Philip Morris, the largest cigarette maker in the world”:

“Philip Morris stands to benefit from this regulation in many ways. First, all regulation adds to overhead, and thus falls more heavily on smaller firms. Second, restrictions on advertising help Philip Morris’ Marlboro, a brand everyone already knows, by keeping lesser-known brands in the shadows. (Existing restrictions on advertising have already helped Philip Morris in this regard, with an added benefit spelled out in Altria’s annual report: ‘Marketing and selling expenses were lower, reflecting regulatory restrictions on advertising and promotion activities. … ‘) Finally, if the bill passes and the FDA gets added control over the industry, Philip Morris, more than any of its competitors, will have access to those bureaucrats and agency heads making the decisions.”

Federal regulation often backfires. A classic example is the 2007 child-safety law, the CPSIA, which was based on junk science. It shut down countless thrift stores and entire industries, resulting in children’s books being thrown out and pulled from library shelves by the thousands. It harmed poor people and special-needs kids. It rendered many ordinary bicycles illegal and made motorcycles more dangerous to children.

But it is now being used by Congress as a blueprint for a misguided law, the Food Safety Modernization Act of 2009, that would put small food producers and farmers’ markets out of business in the name of food safety.

The Supreme Court earlier rejected the FDA’s unilateral attempt to regulate tobacco, making clear that such regulation must receive Congressional approval, in FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp. (2000).

Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) appears to be working in tandem with the Obama administration on making executive pay subject to shareholder votes. That seems fair enough; shareholders deserve some say over companies in which they have a stake. However, as CNBC “Squawk on the Street” host Mark Haines noted in an interview wiht Rep. Frank this morning, the nature of such ownership complicates things.

As Haines noted, many public company shares are in the hands of large institutions — he mentioned mutual funds specifically — not “mom and pop” owners saving for their retirement. Those funds invest their assets on behalf of somebody else, namely individual investors, who are removed from corporate shareholder decision making by virtue of going through sucn an intermediary. What was surprising to Haines making this point was Rep. Frank’s reaction. He did not address this specific point, got agitated, and ended the interview.

This begs the question: What role does Barney Frank  envision for institutional investors in corporate decision making? One large category of institutional investor comprises union pension funds, which, as Diana Furchtgott-Roth of the Hudson Institute notes, are seriously underfunded, in part due to union bosses using those funds to advance political causes that do nothing to increase shareholder value. The fact that the unions that control these funds are major donors to Democratic politicians make that question awkward, but especially worth asking.

Video below. The interesting part begins at 4:50. (Thanks to Margaret Griffis for the CNBC video.)

Steve Forbes in the Washington Times today has a very nice tribute to CEI on its 25th Anniversary.  Forbes points out some of CEI’s significant achievements in pursuit of freedom and against expanding government and the real need for CEI and other free market groups to continue their strong defense of these principles.

Here’s his conclusion:

Groups like CEI are a crucial voice for entrepreneurs and all people who want to pursue their own destiny in life. That must seem like a lonely struggle at times, when businesses actively seek favors from Washington and the people place false hopes in Big Government.

Yet CEI remains hard at work, laying the groundwork for a free society. When faced with the choice between freedom and statism, I hope we will find CEI’s call to freedom loud and enduring.

Congress is about to enact a bill to subject tobacco to FDA regulation. Mark Berlind notes one anomalous feature of the bill: it would deny companies’ protection against “tort liability — even if they rigorously follow every FDA rule.” We wrote earlier about how FDA regulation might actually undermine public health by making it harder to market to smokers other tobacco products, like snus, that are not as lethal as cigarettes.

As Jacob Sullum notes, the law will require snus “to carry a warning that it ‘is not a safe alternative to cigarettes,’” even though “there’s no question that snus is far less hazardous than cigarettes.” And to even “introduce a ‘modified risk product,’ a manufacturer has to convince the FDA not only that the product will ‘significantly reduce harm and the risk of tobacco-related disease to individual tobacco users’ but also that it will ‘benefit the health of the population as a whole, taking into account both users of tobacco products and persons who do not currently use tobacco products.’”

In the Washington Examiner, Tim Carney wrote earlier about how the bill would reduce competition in the tobacco industry and enrich the biggest cigarette company — Philip Morris — at the expense of consumers and competitors alike. Although the bill is supported by leading anti-smoking groups (which indirectly receive money from Big Tobacco through the $246 billion Master Settlement Agreement), the bill’s “most important ally” is “Philip Morris, the largest cigarette maker in the world”:

“Philip Morris stands to benefit from this regulation in many ways. First, all regulation adds to overhead, and thus falls more heavily on smaller firms. Second, restrictions on advertising help Philip Morris’ Marlboro, a brand everyone already knows, by keeping lesser-known brands in the shadows. (Existing restrictions on advertising have already helped Philip Morris in this regard, with an added benefit spelled out in Altria’s annual report: ‘Marketing and selling expenses were lower, reflecting regulatory restrictions on advertising and promotion activities. … ‘) Finally, if the bill passes and the FDA gets added control over the industry, Philip Morris, more than any of its competitors, will have access to those bureaucrats and agency heads making the decisions.”

Federal regulation often backfires. A classic example is the 2007 child-safety law, the CPSIA, which was based on junk science. It shut down countless thrift stores and entire industries, resulting in children’s books being thrown out and pulled from library shelves by the thousands. It harmed poor people and special-needs kids. It rendered many ordinary bicycles illegal and made motorcycles more dangerous to children.

But it is now being used by Congress as a blueprint for a misguided law, the Food Safety Modernization Act of 2009, that would put small food producers and farmers’ markets out of business in the name of food safety.

An excellent article in the June issue of Commentary Magazine, taking to task President Obama’s broad attacks on the wealth-producers in American society in the name of fairness.  Author Francis Cianfrocca in “Wealth creation under attack”  points out the flaws in this reasoning:

The United States is organized on the principle of the consent of the governed. Power and legitimacy do not flow from the state to the people, but the other way around. In this respect, what individuals do is entirely their own business, just so long as they do not violate the law or the sovereignty of other citizens. Generating wealth is therefore no different from any other private human activity; it is and should remain private, outside the reach of government, until the point at which it impinges on others.

This is a philosophical understanding of American society with which Obama and his policymakers are not in immediate sympathy. They are not opposed to wealth generation; nothing they say indicates any such thing. But they do not see it as a private activity. Rather, they see it as a human endeavor that can and should be harnessed to aid in producing the social changes they believe are most beneficial for the greatest number of people. In the view of the Obamaites, private wealth is not a bad thing, but neither is it a good thing; it is only good if it can be used in furtherance of large-scale public goals.

But this understanding is deeply flawed, because it fails to take into account the factors that motivate the generation of wealth. Those who work to get rich are not doing so because they are seeking to provide enhanced tax receipts for the government, or to make it easier for government to do what elected officials and unelected bureaucrats think is best. They are, rather, fulfilling basic human desires—to excel, to succeed, to best the other person, to show the old man. Those desires provide the drive. The drive provides the wealth. The wealth provides the ancillary benefit for others. And the act of wealth creation itself creates opportunities for others. Americans pursue business and wealth for their own reasons, and we should be deeply hesitant to throw those out with the proverbial bathwater. The unintended consequences of such action could be catastrophic.

Cianfrocca concludes with an eloquent paen to freedom — and the ability to create wealth:

More generally, the United States under Barack Obama may be taking a hatchet to a pillar of the American social contract, which is that Americans should be free of encumbrance in their pursuit of private wealth. The pursuit of prosperity made America the most prosperous nation on earth. The excessive pursuit of fairness at the expense of wealth creation will not make America fairer. It will, however, make America poorer—and less free.

Can you sue your employer because your co-workers listen to raunchy radio programs?

A federal appeals court is reconsidering its 2008 ruling that you can. The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals’ decision in Reeves v. C.H. Robinson Worldwide said you could do so, under the dubious theory that it is “sexual harassment” that’s “based on” your sex. But on May 29, it voted to rehear that case.

U.C.L.A. Law Professor Eugene Volokh criticized the decision on First Amendment grounds, while I criticized the April 2008 ruling as being inconsistent with the language of the discrimination laws and the Eleventh Circuit’s own past rulings, and a threat to the media and freedom of the press in the long run. (Overly-broad interpretations of sexual harassment law are already being used to restrict a wide array of speech, as Professor Volokh, a First Amendment expert and former Supreme Court clerk, has chronicled).

Courts sometimes engage in inconsistent legal reasoning to impose liability and maximize damages in sexual harassment cases, and they sometimes disregard the statutory requirements (see, e.g., 42 USC 1981a) that harassment plaintiffs seeking compensatory damages show that they were harassed based on their sex, and subjected to intentional discrimination.

I don’t like raunchy radio programs, but that doesn’t mean the government should ban listening to them, much less do so under the weak argument that they constitute sex discrimination.

The April 2008 decision in Reeves v. C.H. Robinson Worldwide, 525 F.3d 1139 (11th Cir. 2008), was inconsistent with at least two of the Eleventh Circuit’s own past decisions: Baldwin v. Blue Cross, which defined sexual harassment as being a form of disparate treatment — not disparate impact — and Cross v. Alabama, which said that in the Eleventh Circuit (unlike some other circuits), discriminatory INTENT is required for a Title VII sexual harassment claim.

In Cross v. Alabama, 49 F.3d 1490, 1507-08 (11th Cir. 1995), the Eleventh Circuit held that “the elements of the two causes of action [sexual harassment claims under Title VII and the Fourteenth Amendment] are the same” in the Eleventh Circuit (unlike some other circuits), meaning that a sexual harassment plaintiff “must prove discriminatory motive or purpose.”

The Supreme Court has made clear that the fact that a woman is adversely affected, and that an employer knows this, is not enough to satisfy this exacting standard of showing a discriminatory purpose unless the employer intends to treat the female employee differently: “’Discriminatory purpose,’ however, implies more than intent as volition or intent as awareness of consequences. . .It implies that the decisionmaker . . . selected or reaffirmed a particular course of action at least in part ‘because of,’ not merely ‘in spite of,’ its adverse effects upon an identifiable group.” Personnel Administrator of Massachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 279 (1979).

Thus, for the plaintiff to prevail, she must show that her co-workers aimed offensive comments at her based on her sex (or broadcast the offensive comments specifically to annoy her based on her sex), not just that she was reasonably offended by them and that they were pervasive.

“Title VII does not prohibit profanity alone, however profane. It does not prohibit harassment alone, however severe and pervasive. Instead, Title VII prohibits discrimination, including harassment that discriminates based on a protected category such as sex. Because a claim of sexual harassment under Title VII is a claim of disparate treatment, in order to prevail a plaintiff must show that similarly situated persons not of her sex were treated differently and better.” Baldwin v. Blue Cross, 480 F.3d 1287, 1301-02 (11th Cir. 2007); see also Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211 (Cal. 2006) (sexual jokes not aimed at plaintiff did not support her sexual harassment claim).

Even if Title VII reached “disparate impact,” and even if provisions like 42 USC 1981a did not bar compensatory damages in such cases, it would still be a mistake to automatically equate raunchy language or discussions of sex with discrimination based on sex.

Assuming that sexual speech is disproportionately offensive to female employees and thus has a “disparate impact” on them — as many sexual harassment rulings do — raises serious equal-protection problems, since it rests on a gender stereotype. In striking down a statute banning “obscene, profane, indecent, vulgar, or suggestive” communications to women, a court observed that laws “based on ‘old notions’ such as a belief that females should be afforded special protection from ‘rough talk’ because of their perceived ’special sensitivities’ can no longer withstand equal protection scrutiny.” See In re Joseph T., 430 S.E.2d 523, 524 (S.C. 1993). Federal employment laws should not be interpreted broadly when doing so would raise serious constitutional issues. (See NLRB v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago, 440 U.S. 490, 499-501 (1979); Edward J. DeBartolo v. Fla. Gulf Coast Building & Constr. Trades Council, 485 U.S. 568, 575 (1988) (limiting law’s reach to avoid potential free speech problem)).

Moreover, treating raunchy language that offends a single female employee ignores limits contained in “disparate impact” law itself. Disparate impact claims typically require proof that an employer practice systematically excludes female or minority employees, and can’t be based on the impact on just one employee or a small number of employees. See Coe v. Yellow Freight, 646 F.2d 444 (10th Cir. 1981). Sexual harassment cases typically involve just a single plaintiff, who sometimes sues even if other employees of the same gender are perfectly happy with their workplace, or if there are no other employees of her gender in the workplace. In Reeves, the plaintiff seems to have been the only female employee adversely affected by the conduct she recounted.

An employer that fails to prevent sexual or vulgar discussions in the workplace should not be held liable simply because female employees overhear them and claim to be disproportionately offended by them. Some judges seem to grasp this rule, and do not allow sexual harassment claims to be brought just because the plaintiff was offended by sexual or vulgar speech. See, e.g., Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211 (Cal. 2006); Scusa v. Nestle U.S.A., Inc., 181 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 1998); Hocevar v. Purdue Frederick Co., 223 F.3d 721, 737 (8th Cir. 2000); Duncan v. Denver, 397 F.3d 1300 (10th Cir. 2005); Butler v. Ysleta Independent School District, 161 F.3d 263, 270-71 (5th Cir. 1998); Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins., 101 F.3d 514, 517 (7th Cir. 1996); Gallant v. Board. of Trustees, 997 F. Supp. 1231, 1232, 1234-35 (N.D. Cal. 1998).

The 2008 ruling in Reeves justified its jettisoning of the discriminatory intent requirement by saying that such intent is not required in racial harassment cases. But even if that were in fact true (and it does not appear to be in some circuits, see Caver v. City of Trenton, 420 F.3d 243 (3d Cir. 2005) (holding that racial harassment plaintiff, just like sexual harassment plaintiff, must show that “(1) he suffered intentional discrimination because of his [race]” and “(2) the discrimination was pervasive and regular”), circuit panels are bound by their own past sexual harassment precedents whether or not they seem consistent with other areas of the law, like racial harassment.

And prior Eleventh Circuit rulings, like Cross v. State of Alabama, 49 F.3d 1490, 1507-08 (11th Cir. 1995), had made very clear that a plaintiff “must prove discriminatory motive or purpose” under BOTH Title VII and the Equal Protection Clause (Section 1983), because “the elements of the two causes of action are the same.” Eleventh Circuit judges had reiterated that understanding over and over again. See, e.g., Mitchell v. Pope, 189 Fed. Appx. 911, 913, 2006 WL 197600111, *1 (11th Cir. July 14, 2006) (”elements of the two causes of action are the same”); Downing v. Bd. of Trustees of Univ. of Alabama, 321 F.3d 1017, 1023 (11th Cir. 2003) (”Cross holds that the elements of a sexual harassment claim under Title VII and the Equal Protection Clause are the same — meaning that the employee must prove that the state actor intended to discriminate because of the employee’s sex”) (opinion later withdrawn for other reasons); Downing, 321 F.3d at 1022 n.9 (In Title VII, “this language is aimed at intentional discrimination, and to prove a violation, a plaintiff must profer either direct or indirect evidence of the employer’s discriminatory intent”).

Moreover, requiring discriminatory intent or purpose is consistent with how courts handle other types of Title VII harassment cases based on the very same language, such as religious harassment cases, where discriminatory treatment and intent are required. See Rivera v. Puerto Rico Aqueduct and Sewers Authority, 331 F.3d 183, 190 (1st Cir. 2003) (rejecting religious harassment claim because of absence of discriminatory purpose; “Rosario asserts that the lyrics of the song are offensive to her, given her deep religious convictions. We do not doubt this is so. But the question is not whether a religious person could find the song offensive; it is whether religious animus prompted Rivera to sing it to her”). The panel did not explain why those cases should be given lesser weight in sexual harassment jurisprudence than racial harassment cases.

Getting rid of the requirement of discriminatory intent, and allowing suits over overheard comments that have a disproportionate impact on one gender or the other, also raises serious First Amendment problems. See Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211, 300 (Cal. 2006) (Chin, J., concurring) (sexual harassment liability cannot constitutionally be applied to creative speech, such as that involved in books, newspapers, or television, that is “not directed at or about the plaintiff”). Positions on many sexual or gender issues like feminism, gender-based affirmative action, and how to define sexual harassment, are offensive to some listeners, and are sometimes alleged to be disproportionately more so to one gender than the other (there is a political gender-gap). Moreover, the discriminatory intent requirement is one of the few elements of harassment law that can keep it relatively clear and manageable.

“Sexual harassment” under federal case law is a term of art referring to whatever speech or conduct gives rise to a specified state — a “hostile work environment” — not to “harassment” as defined in the dictionary, or anything closely resembling a traditional tort, like a pattern of invasive conduct by one individual towards another. To be sure, a hostile environment can be created by one malicious individual repeatedly pestering a plaintiff. But it can also (if discriminatory intent is not required) be created gradually by many different people each individually making just one offensive statement within earshot of the plaintiff, if their statements cumulatively add up to a hostile environment over time, even if they harbored no ill-will or discriminatory animus towards the plaintiff. The result, as UCLA Law Professor Eugene Volokh notes, is to effectively force employers to suppress a vast array of otherwise-protected speech. If the discriminatory-intent requirement is not enforced, speech such as classical nude paintings and religious articles in employee newsletters would become potential building blocks of a hostile-environment claim. (By “discriminatory intent,” I merely mean gender-based differential treatment; malice is not always required. See UAW v. Johnson Controls, 499 U.S. 187 (1991)).

To be sure, there are other elements of a harassment claim, like the requirement that the plaintiff show that the conduct complained of is “unwelcome” and occurred “based on sex.” But the very court rulings that ignore the intent requirement often have gutted those other elements, so that they frequently add nothing relevant to the requirement of a “hostile work environment.”

For example, people have responded to my past observation that a harassment plaintiff must show discriminatory intent by noting that harassment is only actionable if it is “unwelcome,” and suggesting that the fact that harassment is “unwelcome” somehow makes it intentional even absent discriminatory motivation or targeting of the plaintiff. See Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57, 68 (1986) (the essence of “any sexual harassment claim is that” the conduct was “unwelcome”).

But the courts that don’t enforce the requirement of discriminatory intent also often interpret “unwelcomeness” so broadly as to make it meaningless as a limit on harassment claims. They assume that harassment is “unwelcome” whenever a plaintiff is subjectively offended by it, even if the defendant had no way of knowing that, or even if the plaintiff used language similar to the defendant, which could have led the defendant to believe that the language was permissible. See, e.g., Galloway v. General Motors, 78 F.3d 1164 (7th Cir. 1996) (dictum); Gary v. Tyson Foods (W.D. Mo. 1999). This matters because, as Fifth Circuit Judge Edith Jones has observed, a common fact pattern in harassment cases is a plaintiff who sues over comments similar to those she herself has frequently made.

Defined purely subjectively, “welcomeness” thus adds nothing to the separate legal requirement that the plaintiff’s work environment be “subjectively hostile.” See, e.g. Harris v. Forklift Systems, 510 U.S. 17, 21-22 (1993) (work environment must be subjectively hostile for plaintiff to recover); Mendoza v. Borden, 195 F.3d 1238, 1245-1246 (11th Cir. 1999)(same). That violates the principle of tort law that one element of a tort should not be read as being duplicated, or subsumed by, another element of the tort.

An old Eleventh Circuit precedent interpreted unwelcomeness as having an objective component, so that a plaintiff who incited a defendant to say offensive things by saying similarly offensive things of her own could not sue based on them. See Henson v. City of Dundee, 682 F.2d 897, 902 (11th Cir. 1982) (to show unwelcomeness, plaintiff must show that she neither “solicited nor incited” the conduct and that she “regarded the conduct as undesirable or offensive”). Thus, it served a notice function that protected some speech. See, e.g., Brief of Center for Individual Rights and Boston Coalition for Freedom of Expression as Amici Curiae in Support of the Petition for Certiorari in Avis Rent A Car System v. Aguilar, 529 U.S. 1138 (2000) (citing cases and EEOC rulings that interpreted “unwelcome” as having an objective component).

Some other federal appeals courts, like the Eighth Circuit, continue to follow this rule, barring plaintiffs from hypocritically suing the employer for comments made by their co-workers that are similar to those made by the plaintiffs themselves, under the theory that they have objectively welcomed such comments. See, e.g., Scusa v. Nestle U.S.A., Inc., 181 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 1998); Hocevar v. Purdue Frederick Co., 223 F.3d 721, 737 (8th Cir. 2000).

But some courts (especially state courts) do not, viewing the requirement as unfashionable and outdated. By interpreting “unwelcomess” as purely subjective, they have effectively dispensed with any notice to the accused, who is now deemed a harasser if his speech unintentionally creates a hostile environment.

What is a “hostile environment” can be very vague, as a federal appeals court noted in Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins. Co, 101 F.3d 514 (7th Cir. 1996). Indeed, a Maryland civil rights agency warned that “the legal boundaries” of what is actionable “are so poorly marked,” that “the best course of action is to avoid” any potentially offensive remarks. Reflecting the ambiguity, federal appeals courts differ greatly among themselves as to what conduct they believe is severe or pervasive enough to create a hostile environment. Within the same district, different juries often find starkly similar conduct to either not constitute harassment at all, or to be so patently and egregiously harassing as to warrant punitive damages. I used to work as an attorney at the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, and there was certainly nothing clear about how we interpreted our sexual harassment guidance.

When someone other than the courts is enforcing a ban on harassment, the courts immediately recognize the disturbing vagueness of the “hostile environment” concept. For example, the Ninth Circuit overturned a public college professor’s discipline for unintentionally creating a hostile environment on vagueness grounds in Cohen v. San Bernardino Valley College, 92 F.3d 968 (9th Cir. 1996). And the Oregon Supreme Court, on state constitutional grounds, overturned a civil-rights agency’s fine on an evangelical Christian employer for unknowingly creating a hostile work environment through religious proselytizing in Meltebeke v. Bureau of Labor and Industries, 903 P.2d 351, 363 (Or. 1995), even though it found that the conduct indeed violated the agency’s hostile-environment harassment rule, because ignoring the employer’s intentions would have a chilling effect on freedom of religion. And in Dambrot v. Central Michigan University, 55 F.3d 1177 (6th Cir. 1995), the court struck down a college’s hostile environment harassment code as unconstitutionally vague, since whether the code was violated turned partly on the subjective reactions of listeners.

But the courts are sometimes blind to the vagueness of the “hostile work environment” concept when they themselves apply harassment law through damages liability — even though the First Amendment vagueness doctrine applies to civil as well as criminal liability, see Bullfrog Films v. Wick, 847 F.2d 502 (9th Cir. 1998), and the Supreme Court has long recognized that the “fear of damage awards” in a lawsuit can chill speech even more than “the fear of prosecution.” See New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 264, 277 (1964).

By a margin of 45% to 36%, the American people want to cancel the $787 billion stimulus package, reports pollster Rasmussen Reports. Economist Lee Ohanian, a professor at UCLA, explains the failure of the stimulus package in “The $787 Billion Mistake.” Economist Kevin Hasset describes how legislation backed by Obama would wipe out more jobs in “Obama Tells American Businesses to Drop Dead.” Economist Arthur Laffer explains today how we face massive tax increases and potentially massive inflation as a result of current government policy.

Unemployment is even higher than the Obama Administration said it would be now if the stimulus package had never been passed. At least 1.5 million jobs have been lost since then.

The stimulus package is harming the economy, both by triggering trade wars that have cost at least 40,000 jobs, and by driving up interest rates for businesses that need to borrow money to expand or create jobs. (The government is keeping down interest rates on its own debt by printing vast sums of money to buy its own bonds, in order to finance the exploding national debt, which will result in massively higher taxes).

The Congressional Budget Office admitted the stimulus package would shrink the economy “in the long run” (contrary to Obama’s claim that it would prevent “irreversible decline“), but argued that it would at least create jobs in the short run.

But the stimulus package turned out to be harmful even in the short run, because it was so badly designed. It poured money into sectors of the economy where no help is needed because unemployment is low, while siphoning money out of sectors where unemployment is high. Moreover, “states hit hardest by the recession are getting the least amount of stimulus spending.

The stimulus package is just one example of the Obama Administration’s fiscal irresponsibility, which is driving up the national debt at a record rate. The illegal auto bailouts are another. They waste billions to keep unskilled auto workers enjoying wages and benefits that are much better than those enjoyed by the average American (while ripping off pension funds and bondholders).

The stimulus package has directly destroyed tens of thousands of jobs. A provision in the stimulus package that violated NAFTA by blocking a mere 97 Mexican truckers from U.S. roads “caused Mexico to retaliate with tariffs on 90 goods affecting $2.4 billion in U.S. trade,” destroying 40,000 American jobs. A costly trade war with Canada is also brewing.

Obama’s policies echo those of Herbert Hoover, who helped spawn the Great Depression through his protectionism and tax increases. One of Obama’s own advisers admits that “the barrage of tax increases proposed in President Barack Obama’s budget could, if enacted by Congress, kill any chance of an early and sustained recovery.”

The third in an occasional series that shines a little light on what the regulatory state is up to.

Today’s Regulation of the Day comes to us from the Administration for Children and Families ($47.355 billion 2008 budget).

On June 26, the National Commission on Children and Disasters is having a meeting. They will be talking about another meeting from the day before.

While not a regulation per se, the meetings could result in multiple new rules hitting the books – and taxpayers. According to page 27,337 of the 2009 Federal Register, proposals to be discussed will cover everything from pediatric medical care during a natural disaster to “education and juvenile justice,” whatever that is.