January 2012

The Heritage Foundation’s Matt Meyer wrote here that the Obama administration’s year old worksite audit program is resulting in “far fewer deportations of illegal immigrants.”  While that particular program is not designed to deport undocumented immigrants, deportations across the board are up under Obama.

According to the corrected deportations data, deportations under the Obama administration have far exceeded those of the Bush administration.

Matt Meyer also ignores the massive Obama ordered buildup on the Southern border.  As I explained here and DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano confirmed here, the Obama administration has deployed 1,200 National Guard troops to Arizona, is seeking an additional $600 million for border security for hiring another 1000 CBP agents, 160 more ICE investigators, 30 more port officers, 20 more K9 teams, and two Predator drones to be used along the Texas border with Mexico.

Add that to more than 90,000 employees in the federal immigration services (the number of CBP agents has doubled since 2004), more than $20 billion devoted to enforcing immigration laws, speeding the completion of the 652 mile border fence, increased I-9 and work place audits, 25,000 planned workplace “inspections” for H-1B visa employers, increases in immigration fees, and saddling the H-2A visa program with new and onerous regulations.

After the Obama administration has done all that how can Matt Meyer possibly say:

“This outcome shouldn’t be a surprise to anyone with an ounce of common sense and places even greater doubt on the non-political aspect of President Barack Obama’s call for ‘comprehensive immigration reform’ (aka, amnesty).”

Matt Meyer also wrote:

“With America’s high unemployment rate, the Obama Administration’s continued blind eye approach to illegal immigration only undermines the ability of citizens and those in the United States legally to find work.”

Just like protectionist policies make Americans poorer than they otherwise would be, cutting off the United States from sources of foreign labor and entrepreneurship would do the same.  Perhaps Matt Meyer should read up on David Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage or Adam Smith’s insights on the division of labor.  They are as applicable to labor markets as any other.

Matt Meyer’s blog post was particularly and egregiously devoid of facts and figures.  Matt Meyer, anti-Obama rhetoric is not a suitable substitute for facts.


Over at the Daily Caller, I debunk the fear that long-term cell phone use can cause brain tumors. San Francisco and Maine already have warning label regulations on the books. Rep. Dennis Kucinich has introduced federal warning label legislation. Here are the main reasons they’re wasting their time:

-Activists promoting the scare only ever mention brain tumors. But you hold your cell phone in your hand. You hold it next to your ear and your jaw. Why no mention of those cancers? Suspicious.

-Most phones only emit one watt of energy. The human body generates about a hundred times that much energy during normal, everyday activity. Adding a single watt to that baseline does nothing to contribute to the DNA damage that can lead to tumor growth.

-Cell phone photons are so weak, they fall short of DNA-damaging energy levels by about a factor of 500,000. So you might have something to worry about if you strapped half a million cell phones to your body. That would be getting crushed to death, not cancer. Phones don’t operate at cancer-causing frequencies.

Richard Morrison and Marc Scribner welcome back long-lost co-host Michelle Minton to Episode 101 of the LibertyWeek podcast. We discuss the sobering recommendations of the White House debt commission, the intoxicating budgetary success of Chris Christie in New Jersey, the bunker mentality of UN climate scientists, the travails of urban homesteaders and the birth of scandal-based tourism.

CEI Weekly is a compilation of articles and blog posts from CEI’s fellows and associates sent out via e-mail every Friday. Also included in the Weekly newsletter is a brief description of CEI’s weekly podcast and a feature on a major CEI breakthrough made during the week. To sign up for CEI Weekly, go to http://cei.org/newsletters.


CEI Weekly
July 9, 2010


>>LibertyWeek Turns 100
LibertyWeek Podcast Episode 100: The Venerable Fred L. Smith, Jr.
Richard Morrison and Jeremy Lott welcome CEI founder and president Fred L. Smith, Jr.  to the 100th anniversary of the LibertyWeek podcast. Fred gives us a special look back into his intellectual development and the founding of CEI and then a look forward to the greatest emerging threats to freedom. An amazing 20 minutes with a legendary freedom fighter!


>>[Video] CEI on the Air
Fred Smith on CNBC Debates Whether Greed is Good


>>Shaping the Debate
Court Ruling ‘Another Reason to Vote No on Dodd-Frank ‘
Sam Kazman, Hans Bader, and John Berlau cited in The San Fransicso Examiner

Will 2010 be the Year States Say Enough is Enough?
F. Vincent Vernuccio’s op-ed in The Daily Caller

Regulatory Flights of Fancy
Iain Murray and Roger Abbott’s op-ed in The American Spectator

Md.’s Smart Grid Fiasco
William Yeatman’s op-ed in The Baltimore Sun

State Needs New Leadership on Insurance Policies
Michelle Minton’s op-ed in The Lansing State Journal

Muri Russell “ClimateGate” Whitewash Report
Myron Ebell quoted in The New York Times


>>Best of the Blogs
Greenhouse Protection Racket
by Marlo Lewis

The Rahn Curve
by Ryan Young

California poker players: 1 – Free market opponents: 0
by Michelle Minton


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FactCheck.org argued that the Jones Act, which ordinarily bans both foreign ships and foreign crews from working in U.S. waters, did not interfere with foreign assistance in cleaning up the massive oil spill at BP’s Deepwater Horizon.  Factcheck readers like Jarrett Wampler disagreed, and called FactCheck’s reasoning flawed.  As he notes:

Newspapers like the Wall Street Journal, and even Democrats in Congress, have criticized the Obama Administration for refusing to waive those Jones Act restrictions (as the law lets the President do) to take advantage of foreign aid. Canada’s Financial Post has chronicled how the Administration rejected valuable expertise, and delayed vital assistance in fighting the spill, by many weeks, simply because of its foreign origin (so, too, has a federal news source, Voice of America, which said Dutch help was rejected ‘partly because of the Jones Act, which restricts foreign ships from certain activities in U.S. waters’).

But in a June 23 analysis, ’Oil Spill, Foreign Help, and the Jones Act,’ FactCheck made it sound like only right-wingers like Sarah Palin viewed the Jones Act as an obstacle to cleaning up the Gulf. It also claimed that the Jones Act couldn’t be a barrier to aid, because the federal government hasn’t cited the Jones Act in specifically rejecting many offers of foreign aid. (Although it apparently cited it again more recently in rejecting an offer of foreign assistance).  That claim made little sense, since a ban on a category of foreign assistance can make even offering the assistance pointless, resulting in few if any offers. Why would you even offer someone something they don’t want, or may not even be able to accept — even if you would otherwise be perfectly happy to give it to them?  As I noted in a June 29 letter in response to FactCheck.Org’s claim (“Gulf Spill Cleanup,” in “FactCheck Mailbag, Week of June 22-28):

‘Many respected newspapers, such as the Wall Street Journal and Canada’s Financial Post, as well as Voice of America News, have stated that the U.S. government rejected some offers of foreign assistance in cleaning up the Gulf oil spill. Canadian environmentalist Lawrence Solomon says the U.S. rejected critically-important Dutch expertise. Moreover, the Obama Administration has issued no general waiver of the Jones Act, which bars foreign crews and ships from working in U.S. waters or moving goods between U.S. ports.. . . .’If the Jones Act has not been waived, as FactCheck concedes, one would not expect many offers of assistance to be made in the first place, since accepting such offers would generally be forbidden. Does FactCheck.Org really expect a foreign country to hire an American lobbyist or lawyer for big bucks to try and convince the government to waive the Act to accept its help?’

The Jones Act certainly restricts foreign ships and crews in U.S. waters.  A ban or restriction can be a significant barrier even if it seldom leads to formal rejections, by discouraging offers or applications from being made in the first place, or leading to tentative offers being dropped prior to a formal rejection.  The Supreme Court recognized this principle in Teamsters v. United States, 431 U.S. 324, 365-66 (1977).  In that case, it held that even non-applicants could sue an employer for discrimination, where the policy of discrimination discouraged minorities from even applying.  It approvingly cited a federal appeals court’s observation that “as a practical matter . . . a member of the affected class may well have concluded that an application . . . was not worth the candle.”  The Supreme Court rejected  “the company’s assertion that a person who has not actually applied for a job can never be awarded” relief, noting that “A consistently enforced discriminatory policy can surely deter job applications from those who are aware of it and are unwilling to subject themselves to . . . explicit and certain rejection.  If an employer should announce his policy of discrimination by a sign reading ‘Whites Only’ on the hiring-office door, his victims would not be limited to the few who ignored the sign and subjected themselves to personal rebuffs. The same message can be communicated to potential applicants more subtly but just as clearly by an employer’s actual practices,” such as ”his responses to casual or tentative inquiries, and even by the . . . composition of . . . his work force . . . When a person’s desire for a job is not translated into a formal application solely because of his unwillingness to engage in a futile gesture he is as much a victim of discrimination as is he who goes through the motions of submitting an application.”  A similar principle exists in administrative and constitutional law, where regulations can be challenged even by people who did not apply under them, if an application would have been futile under the regulation. See, e.g., Grid Radio v. FCC, 278 F.3d 1314, 1319 (D.C. Cir. 2002); Pihl v. Massachusetts Dep’t of Educ., 9 F.3d 184, 190 (1st Cir.1993).

On the other hand, the Jones Act was not the only potential obstacle to foreign aid in cleaning up the oil spill, and I may well have inadvertently overstated its significance in making the federal government so slow to accept many forms of foreign assistance.  A French offer of assistance was apparently rejected due to environmental regulations, for example.  Expansive interpretations of environmental regulations also seem to have been involved in the federal government delaying the use of barges to clean up the Gulf of Mexico by sucking thousands of gallons of oil out of Louisiana’s oil-soaked waters.  Such regulations have impeded even domestic clean-up efforts. (A TV station in New Orleans reported that “the federal government is shutting down the dredging that was being done to create protective sand berms in the Gulf of Mexico.”)   The news stories attributing some rejections of foreign assistance to the Jones Act do not say it was the basis for all the rejections (Voice of America News noted that ”The Dutch also offered assistance with building sand berms (barriers) along the coast of Louisiana to protect sensitive marshlands, but that offer was also rejected, even though Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal had been requesting such protective barriers.”  Moreover, a CNBC commentator says that an example I earlier cited from a Voice of America News report of Dutch help being rejected, which the VOA attributed to the Jones Act, actually involved a rejection by the EPA instead.)

Moreover, the Jones Act is less likely to be an obstacle going forward.  After weeks of delay, the federal government finally accepted various offers of foreign assistance.  And while the administration has failed to provide a general waiver of the Jones Act, it has now belatedly provided for reciprocal approval of skimmers, and set up an expedited process for applicants to seek individualized waivers.

Kane’s Beverage News Daily (need subscription) reports today that a “well-placed lobbyist” in the industry informed them that hearings on HR 5034 –the congressional bill on alcohol regulation and shipping–have been put on hold because of potential constitutional problems with the bill. Proponents denied this to be the case, but hearings have indeed been postponed. Although never being placed on the official Judiciary committee calendar, staff have been lining up parties to testify on July 14.

According to Kane’s:

[S]everal lobbyists have told us the Alcohol & Tobacco Tax & Trade Bureau has drafted a letter to be signed by John Manfreda, administrator, strongly opposing the measure on constitutional grounds. Like all policy statements by federal agencies, the letter had to be reviewed by a number of agencies, including Treasury, since TTB is a Treasury agency, as well as the White House Office of Management & Budget, and the Justice Department. We’re told one of those agencies is holding the letter.

Consumers can only hope bureaucrats will hold on to this letter–and hold up congressional proceedings–forever. But that’s unlikely. First, it’s unclear as to what constitutional problem the bill might have. Congress has authority to regulate commerce, and that includes giving states some powers to do the same. And wholesalers are determined. If this version isn’t quite right, they surely will develop another.

The nanny statists not only want to to take care of you, they want to make sure every hamster in the world gets fair treatment.  Supposedly, that’s why they proposed a ban on pet sales in San Francisco, which fortunately was voted down last night. Proponents say too many people make impulse decisions when they buy pets and, therefore, all pet sales should be illegal.

Humane treatment of our furry and not so furry friends surely is an important goal. But apparently advocates of this ban understand that without pet sales, eventually pets could become illegal or at least disappear. And that is in fact what appears to be their ultimate motivation, as one recently admitted. They just don’t want you to own a pet.

But eliminating pets could mean elimination of many pet species. After all, the reason there are so many hamsters in the world is because someone has placed a price on them and designated them property. Assigning property and prices for animals essentially perpetuates their existence by making them valuable and granting them stewards. And this works for more than pets. It explains why we have so many cows in the world whereas other species that had no price have been run into near–if not all-out–extinction, such as the buffalo.

So if you care about hamsters and other creatures, you’d support pet sales. If these creatures served no use as pets, they would remain little more than lab animals if they survived at all.

Image source: JesseBarker photostream on flickr.

It is actually less of a “stimulus” plan and more of a “get government out of the way and stop inhibiting growth” plan. A bi-partisan group of Senators led by John Kerry (D-Mass) introduced S. 3339 in mid-may, a bill that would, among other things, reduce the federal excise tax that small brewers must pay per barrel they produce.

For the congressmen and Senators selling this proposition, it probably wasn’t the brightest idea to associate the tax-cutting-proposal with the word “stimulus” which now evokes memories of massive taxpayer-funded bailouts to government favored businesses that probably should have failed years ago due to inefficiency and sheer ineptitude.

Unlike the auto, construction, and real estate industries, small brewers in the US have made great strides in the last decade despite heavy taxes, discriminatory regulations, layovers from prohibition, and a recession. Craft beer is more popular among US drinkers than ever before. Given the opportunity in a free market, small The Three Beersbrewers could collectively take a large chunk of the market away from the monolithic “big beer” companies like Anheuser, Coors, Budweiser, etc. They could lower prices, increase production and distribution, hire more workers and contribute more in tax revenue. But there’s a built in disincentive for small brewers to grow–if they get too big they loose the one advantage they have over bigger brewers: the tax benefit.

So yes, cutting taxes will help small breweries stay afloat and grow, but it isn’t enough for true stimulation of the beverage industry. To create jobs, increase the number of small brewers, increase competition, and massively reduce the cost of purchasing beer, congress should eliminate the tax on beer.

Consider that brewers not only pay the federal excise tax, but also a state excise tax in addition to all the other fees and costs. In 2004 the Beer Institute estimated that taxes represented over 40% of the retail cost of beer. Imagine that! Without the tax burden on producers your craft brew would cost just $3.50 instead of $6, your Budweiser would cost $1.50 and a miller high life would only cost you your dignity (just kidding, I drink high life).sam-of-dogfish-head

And for some states protecting the small brew business is especially vital. Take Oregon, for example, which has more microbreweries per capita than almost any other state. Small brewers alone provide the state with nearly 5,000 jobs and over $2 million in revenue. In fact Oregon has more small breweries. While some legislators hear those numbers and can only see ways to leech off that success (as I wrote about back in February 2009) it is good that other legislators seem to understand the principle that if you get government out of the way of business, there are more jobs, more money, and more stuff. Perhaps if they could just apply that logic to all other businesses, including big brewing companies, we’d be a lot better off.

CEI’s Myron Ebell was quoted on the front page of the New York Times today – “above the fold” – discussing the University of East Anglia’s report on Climategate and university researchers’ leaked emails about shutting out skeptical scientists, not responding to requests for data, and presenting misleading global warming data.  The so-called Russell Report was the second “insider” investigation of influential global warming scientists-advocates and their attempts to bury dissent from their orthodoxy.  In its own report, Pennsylvania State University downplayed Penn State researcher Michael Mann’s culpability. In a scandal that rocked the global warming community, the emailers only received mild slaps on the wrists from the investigators.

Here’s Myron’s NYT quote on the report’s findings:

The university solicited and paid for the new report, which climate skeptics assailed. “This is another example of the establishment circling the wagons and defending their position,” said Myron Ebell, director of energy and climate change policy at the Competitive Enterprise Institute in Washington.

No surprise there.  The “establishment” has a lot invested in catastrophic man-made global warming.

This letter of mine ran in today’s New York Times in response to Paul Krugman’s July 4 column.

To the Editor:

Paul Krugman is at a loss to explain why some people oppose extending unemployment benefits. One reason people hold such an opinion is that when government subsidizes something, there tends to be more of it.

The more government subsidizes unemployment, the more people will indulge in it for longer periods of time.

Ryan Young
Washington, July 6, 2010

The writer is a journalism fellow at the Competitive Enterprise Institute.