Since the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2005 Kelo v. New London decision, significant attention has been paid to the way government interacts in the property development realm. The case centered on a comprehensive redevelopment plan meant to augment pharmaceutical giant Pfizer’s new research and development campus (Pfizer announced construction in 1998 and decided to close the facility in 2009). The city devised a plan, financed in part by $15 million in bonds, which included financing for the Fort Trumbull State Park and a mixed-use development adjacent to the Pfizer campus. City planners estimated that the project would create 1,000 jobs and bring in new tax revenue.
After several homeowners refused to sell, the city of New London, Connecticut, initiated eminent domain condemnations through a public development corporation set up to complete the plan. The private developer of the mixed-use property was to receive a 99-year lease at $1 annually in exchange for developing the property in a manner consistent with the city’s plan.
The U.S. Supreme Court—in an unfortunate 5-4 decision—upheld the Supreme Court of Connecticut’s ruling. The lower court found that projected increased tax revenues and job creation resulting from potential economic development satisfied the requirements of the Fifth Amendment’s Takings Clause, which restricts private property condemnations by government only when the land is taken for “public use” and that the owner is given “just compensation.” This ruling, many scholars fear, has essentially rendered the Takings Clause meaningless in terms of its ability to actually protect individual property owners from unnecessary and unjust seizures. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor went as far to write in her dissent that the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision was “to wash out any distinction between private and public use of property—and thereby to effectively delete the words ‘for public use’ from the Takings Clause.”
Fundamentally, property development is an area where government has very little positive to contribute. Government cannot accurately forecast future economic conditions, as the New London-Pfizer situation demonstrates, and public officials have far less expertise in real estate development than private sector investors. Moreover, land-use restrictions such as zoning distort the real estate markets and are often used to justify public-sector involvement in real estate, as the private sector isn’t capable of fighting city hall—or so the story goes.
A recent study on New York City rezoning found that upzoned areas (those where zoning restrictions were eased to allow more types of development) were predominately populated by lower-income minorities outside of “high growth areas.” While upzoning will have beneficial effects on the neighborhood and the city as a whole, eliminating burdensome land-use restrictions such as zoning altogether should be preferred. Removing these restrictions would also neutralize the red-tape cutting argument for more government involvement in real estate development.
Real estate development policy nationwide has also become more beholden to ideological planners. The so-called “smart growth” and “New Urbanism” movements, which aim to promote “sustainable” and “livable” urban development, have begun to dominate urban development policy discussions across the country. These ideological movements have also received support from government bureaus such as the Environmental Protection Agency. Proponents desire to limit “suburban sprawl” and attempt to create denser developments closer to the urban cores, supported by expensive public “livability” projects and transit systems. A new method of promoting and enforcing this ideology is the form-based code.
Form-based codes, which have become quite popular as zoning alternatives in the southeastern United States, go far beyond the government invasiveness of Euclidian zoning regulation. Unlike traditional zoning, form-based codes specify regulatory compliance and land-use requirements that go beyond broad separation of uses restrictions. While they are touted as an improvement over zoning, form-based codes are in reality considerably worse. Public-sector meddling (and the resulting distortions) is increased across the board, which includes new requirements on green space (e.g., shade trees on private property and public parks), accessibility to public transit, and construction guidelines. In essence, form-based codes further undermine the spontaneous order that largely characterized the real estate market prior to the Euclid v. Ambler Reality decision by greatly enhancing the ability of central planners to dictate the terms of development.
Government in recent years has grown more interested in “aiding” the private sector in real estate development through public-private partnerships. The justifications generally given are that markets alone can’t bring about redevelopment—although, if true, policy makers rarely try to understand why that is the case (perhaps consumers don’t want them in the first place?)—and the existing public institutions are inadequate or counterproductive. Most often, this entails either a comprehensive redevelopment plan as was seen in Kelo or the development of large single-purpose structures such as stadiums and indoor shopping malls.
Unfortunately, these are merely symptoms of the disease: the command-and-control urban planning mindset. Planners presumably get the same rush that the political class feels when it “democratically” exercises its authority over the unwashed masses, and have convinced themselves (and much of the rationally ignorant public) that they produce significant social returns. This is not the case. In reality, they are merely misdirecting taxpayer dollars and private investment into development projects that no one desires enough to privately provide—another example of the road to Hell being paved (a bit more literally in this case) with good intentions.

{ 6 comments }
Planning commissions and city councils have not been idle since the Euclid v. Ambler Realty decision. All of the interference you attribute to central planner and form based codes has flourished for decades. I have developed real estate under conventional zoning and under form based codes and the form based stuff is a great improvement, and for my money as a developer and property owner significantly more flexible and practical.
While you make a few good points, your critique of form-based codes (FBC) is wide of the mark and flat-out wrong in some places. Speaking as a new urbanist developer and one recently involved in the development of an FBC, form-based codes are much less intrusive into private property than 'conventional' zoning. FBCs are concerned with the public domain (the infrastructure which tax-payers paid for and which we therefore have every right to a point of view), and are much less preoccupied with the uses to which a property owner puts his/her property. Your perspective is weakened by its evident ideological bias and a limited knowledge of FBCs and the context within which they are rapidly gaining ground. The intellectually rigorous advocate of property rights should favor FBCs over zoning every time. Everyone benefits – neighborhoods, municipalities, developers, property owners and businesses (especially small businesses and local retailers).
Don't conflate my skepticism of form-based codes with a preference for zoning. The domain over public infrastructure (and resulting malinvestment) is indeed the problem.
I look at form-based codes as Trojan horses (except they're really not that sneaky). They are biased in favor of wealthy developers and property owners, at the expense of the poor and middle class. We see this with transit projects all the time–those who would potentially benefit the most from public transit are those who can't afford the alternatives (i.e., the poor). Show me, for example, a recent rail transit project that wasn't seemingly designed to greatly benefit wealthy condo owners and urban white-collar workers (often while cutting bus service to poorer neighborhoods, which is why Randal O'Toole refers to this as "transit apartheid"). Proponents of "smart growth," "new urbanism," etc. are often incredibly ignorant of economic history. The worst are the proponents in the Sun Belt, who frequently cite "smart codes" and the like as drivers of development and growth. The truth is, if they bothered to look at the data and historical land-use patterns, they'd notice pretty quickly that much of the growth had taken place when developers were working with large, unzoned tracts of land.
Essentially, I don't want "smarter" regs, I want *fewer* regs (well, *no* regs). Rather than kicking the planners, rent-seeking developers, and urban renewal ideologues to the curb, form-based codes further entrench them in their positions behind the curtain. But I guess it's good to see that those bitten by the planning bug are turning on zoning in larger and larger numbers (although their cure seems worse than the disease). It's just too bad it took more than half a century for them to begin to realize how wrong they were.
Marc,
You evaluation of form-based codes is accurate. I have been studying FBC's for years, and my conclusion is that while they have the ability to produce results that look good at the surface, constitutional property rights often must be set aside for them to function. Being an architect who specializes in church design, I believe that New Urbanism and FBC's have the potential to discriminate against churches. I recognize a need for some regulations that protect property rights and property values, but I also believe that no regulations are better than bad regulations. Those who see FBC's as a cure-all simply have not done their homework, or they are one of the ones who have benefited by accepting FBC rules in order to move to the head of the line. After all, FBC's are designed to create "predictability", when in reality they can stifle creativity to reap the benefits of conformity. I have received the same kind of "you don't know what you are talking about" responses to some of the articles I have written that are critical of FBC's and New Urbanism, and not once, when I have challenged them to prove me wrong, have they ever done so. Keep up the good work. We need more honesty and less conformance with the party line.
Randy,
Thanks much. New Urbanism and form-based codes have the potential to discriminate against anyone who isn't well-connected to the political class. In fact, given that "the community" is apparently so important in every development decision, it's hard to argue that they aren't *designed* to discriminate in this manner. Disputes between property owners can be and are best settled privately, from a social welfare standpoint. I find the communitarian mindset of the New Urbanists particularly disturbing, since I view property rights and their free exercise as fundamental civil rights necessary to promote long-term economic growth, and don't believe the democratic process has anything positive to offer. It is amazing that those who constantly rant about the evils of "sprawl" and "McMansions" turn around and support the most conformist, anti-consumer urban planning regimes imaginable. You're right about the critics who claim we're clueless–they never specify the inaccuracies we're supposedly peddling. I think what they're actually objecting to is that someone would dare describe New Urbanism in terms that aren't roses, rainbows, and puppy dogs. I don't doubt the sincerity of their beliefs–zealotry might be more accurate–but I do think they are completely wrong.
Well said, Randy and Marc!
Comments on this entry are closed.
{ 1 trackback }