Tech & Telecom

Can websites be forced to change to accommodate the disabled — by using “simpler language” to appeal to the “intellectually disabled,” or by making them accessible to the blind and deaf at considerable expense?

Generally, the First Amendment gives you the right to choose who to talk to and how, without government interference. There is no obligation to make your message accessible to the whole world, and the government can’t force you to make your speech accessible to everyone, much less appealing to them. The government couldn’t require you to give speeches in English rather than Spanish to reach a larger number of listeners. And the Supreme Court once noted that the poem Jabberwocky is protected by the First Amendment, even though it makes no sense to most people.

But now, the Obama administration appears to be planning to use the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) to force many web sites to either accommodate the disabled, or shut down. Given the enormous cost of complying, many small web sites might well just go dark and shut down. The administration wants to treat web sites as “places of public accommodation“ subject to the ADA, even though they are not physical places. Courts used to reject this argument when it was made just by disabled plaintiffs, but now that the Justice Department is making it, too, some judges are beginning to buy it, opening the door to trial lawyers surfing the web and sending out extortionate demand letters to every small business whose web site is not accessible to the blind (or perhaps too hard to understand for the mentally-challenged).

[click to continue…]

Have a listen here.

Today, the House passed the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act of 2013 (CISPA). Associate Director of Technology Studies Ryan Radia opposes the bill because it would nullify existing contracts and eliminate the rule of law in certain areas.

Have a listen here.

Congress is mulling an update to the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA) of 1984. Under the CFAA, it is currently a federal crime to enter an incorrect age on your Facebook profile or an incorrect weight on a dating website profile. Associate Director of Technology Studies Ryan Radia suggests that the CFAA should be reined in, instead of expanded, as a draft currently circulating around Capitol Hill proposes.

Post image for Making The FCC More Transparent

If there’s one thing the regulatory state could use more of, it’s transparency. In today’s Washington Times, I shine a little light on the FCC:

In Beltway terms, the Federal Communications Commission’s $350 million budget request for 2013 is practically a rounding error. Yet it costs the American people a lot more than that. In fact, it is the third-most-expensive federal agency, but thanks to a lack of transparency, very few people are aware of that fact. That’s because the FCC’s regulations impose compliance costs of $142 billion per year — more than 400 times its budget. Only the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Health and Human Services cost American taxpayers more.

To put that in context, consider that the cost of FCC regulations is in the same ballpark as the entire 2011 national gross domestic products of Vietnam ($123 billion) and Hungary ($140 billion). The $77 billion cost of the FCC’s wireless spectrum regulations alone is bigger than Ecuador’s entire $66 billion economy.

Read the whole thing here. See also CEI’s recent Regulatory Report Cards on the FCC and the EPA.

Regulatory agencies need to be much more transparent. One way to do that is through an annual report card with important information about each agency such as how many rules it has in the books, how many more are on the way, and what they cost. Since agencies aren’t doing this on their own, CEI is taking up the mantel.

In the Federal Communications Commission report card, released today, previously scattered information is put together in one place. The FCC has over 25,000 specific regulatory restrictions in the Code of Federal Regulations, and they cost an estimated $142 billion. It issued 108 final regulations last year, and 86 more were published in the most recent Unified Agenda, which lists upcoming rules.

For more information, read the whole thing here. If you want the quick version, here’s a press release.

In November, I noted in The Washington Post and here on Open Market that a bill introduced in the D.C. Council contained two dangerously flawed provisions and another unnecessary and overcautious provision. Basically, the original bill 1) nonsensically mandated that autonomous vehicles operate using alternative fuels, 2) established a special tax that would further reduce consumer purchases, and 3) required that a licensed driver be in the driver’s seat of the vehicle during autonomous operation, which is unnecessary and will restrict potential testing and functionality (admittedly, this is far less severe than the first two).

Good news! The bill was amended with the most troubling provisions (1 and 2) removed [PDF] and it unanimously passed its final reading before the Council on December 18.

D.C. will soon join Nevada, Florida, and California as jurisdictions that have explicitly legalized autonomous vehicles. There are few laws and regulations that explicitly ban the operation of autonomous vehicles in the United States, making them technically legal virtually everywhere provided a licensed driver is in the driver’s seat. But these legalization efforts are important to both send a positive signal to potential developers and establish a framework to address public policy and legal issues that will arise as consumers begin to adopt autonomous vehicles. Bryant Walker Smith, perhaps the foremost expert on the law as it relates to autonomous vehicles, recently authored a fascinating paper that explores these issues in great detail. For those who want a brief overview, see Smith’s article in New Scientist.

Today, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) cleared Google of accusations of “Search Bias,” and inappropriately harming rivals.

The investigation lasted nearly two years. CEI released a statement today, “Web Users Dodge Bullet as FTC Closes Google Probe.”

Google rivals naturally object, but those protests are revolts against the objective reality that people like Google.

The FTC did secure certain concessions from Google, which will alter how it presents bits of information, such as that from review sites such as Yelp (a criticized practice it was already modifying in some areas); and Google will make it easier for firms to advertise across other search engines when they have an arrangement with Google.

Antitrust purports to address consumer harm, or compulsion. The FTC got it right; there is no harm created by Google reasonably address with top-down force. Options abound for consumers. If only the investigation had been avoided at the outset.

As my colleague Ryan Radia noted:

Today’s ruling…affirms that every company is free to compete by serving its users, no matter how high its market share or how much its rivals suffer as a result. America’s antitrust laws are designed not to punish companies for growing too big…but to ensure no company stifles competition itself. The thriving Internet sector — a bright spot in America’s otherwise lackluster economy — shows no signs of suffering from too little competition.

[click to continue…]

Last Sunday, The Washington Post published my op-ed criticizing the approach taken by Councilmember Mary Cheh’s introduced legislation to legalize driverless cars in Washington, D.C. Briefly, I argued that Cheh’s bill unduly restricted testing and the wider future adoption of autonomous vehicles via three requirements: (1) a licensed driver must be in the driver’s seat, (2) driverless cars must be “alternative fuel vehicles,” and (3) autonomous vehicles would be subject to a new vehicle-miles traveled (VMT) tax.

I noted that this all betrayed a certain dangerous attitude to technological innovation, albeit one that was well intended. “But no one knows precisely how autonomous vehicle technology will develop or be adopted by consumers,” I wrote. “Cheh’s bill presumes to predict and understand these future complexities and then imposes a regulatory straitjacket based on those assumptions.”

As Adam Thierer, a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, remarked, “The [driver's seat provision] is the one that most closely resembles the traditional Precautionary Principle, but the other provisions are based on a similar instinct that progress can be preemptively planned.”

[click to continue…]

Have a listen here.

Associate Director of Technology Studies Ryan Radia argues that Google’s current dominance as an Internet search engine is a fragile thing. Creative destruction is everywhere, and its onset cannot be predicted. As soon as something better comes out, consumers will flock to it in droves. Calls for antitrust enforcement should not be answered.

Post image for At Brookings, Susan Crawford Fostering Internet Competition

Yesterday, the Brookings Institute held a panel that purported to discuss “Fostering Internet Competition”. But who is to do the fostering? Federal regulators, of course. The three panelists, Susan Crawford, Spencer Waller, and Douglas Rushkoff, rehashed familiar arguments aimed at policy scarecrows by would-be regulators when discussing tech and telecom regulation.

Unless government steps in, the argument goes, walled gardens will trample the net. Deserving Americans will never get Internet access. They’ll be dependent on cruel, monopolistic ISPs who dispense access like a feudal lord dispensing his favor. Innovation and experimentation will end.

A lot of this seems like a big panic—a “technopanic,” as Adam Thierer, telecommunications policy expert at the Mercatus Center, puts it. It seems to derive from the technoscenti’s realization the median Internet user today, besides being completely ignorant of even the simplest technical aspects of the net, just doesn’t care much about the things many early adopters hold dear. Calls for government protection of the values of the net’s early days are a response to the ever starker realities of the Eternal September.

If a successful Internet-based platform looks like a walled garden, chances are Crawford wants to stop it. So what if users like the functionality and ease of use that comes with carefully cultivated app stores? Such ecosystems undermine the very core of the net. God forbid an ISP experiment with new pricing arrangements or data policies. Anti-competitive practices like that destroy the global forum’s fundamental end-to-end nature! If something looks kinda-sorta like it maybe, just might be close to running afoul of some FTC or FCC regulations—including regulations that exist solely in academics’ minds—we must pounce on it to preserve the open Internet.

For an event about “fostering Internet competition,” there was hardly any talk of reducing barriers to entry, of freeing copper-based providers of the onerous regulations that hamstring their ability to compete with cable- and fiber-based providers, of the changing nature of broadband markets, or of the desperate need for humility when, with the clumsy tools we have, we think about further regulating such a vital sector.

The panelists realize mobile broadband adoption is exploding an amazing rate but demand we extend wired connections to those without. Could it be mobile broadband providers actually may be competing with wired broadband providers?

The panelists also tout universal broadband service as a necessary step to securing American dominance in information technology but also demand regulators make markets more competitive. But wasn’t it the desire for universal service that helped justify Bell’s consolidation and monopolization of the telephone market in the first place? And don’t the biggest telecom firms reap the bulk of universal service dollars? Achieving universal broadband service while “fostering” competition can happen only if we reinvigorate dying “open access” rules – which, by the way, are a main reason DSL isn’t the competitor Susan Crawford wishes it were.

Like many Internet users, I’m sympathetic to the panel’s stated intentions. I like “the open Internet.” I like to collaborate and to share  information with millions of strangers all over the world.

But I don’t think differential pricing or vertical integration between ISPs and content providers spell doom for the open Internet. Rather, these developments can add to our experience. If they’re tested in a vibrant marketplace, they’ll succeed or fail on their own. The real danger is inviting the government in to regulate, to control the market and pick winners and losers. Although yesterday’s panelists talked a good game about defending Schumpeterian creative destruction, they assumed today’s dominant players didn’t emerge out of this cycle. But if policy makers and academics think they can outsmart market processes, their efforts to defend them will surely fail.