Bank of America

The federal government has no problem paying exorbitant sums of money to people who head failed government agencies like Freddie Mac. Its CEO will receive compensation estimated at $5.5 million. The Federal Housing Finance Agency took direct control over Freddie Mac, a government-sponsored enterprise, after it ran up tens of billions of dollars in red ink buying risky mortgages, without adequate capital reserves. At the direction of the Obama administration, Freddie Mac is now running up $30 billion in losses to bail out mortgage borrowers, some of whom have high incomes. (Federal regulators sought to make Freddie Mac hide the resulting losses from the SEC and the public).

The federal government does, however, have a problem with big compensation packages at private banks like Bank of America and Citigroup, even for new executives and talented managers who had nothing to do with any financial mismanagement.  Obama’s pay czar, Ken Feinberg, a major donor to liberal politicians like Senator Chris Dodd (who recommended Feinberg for the job after he gave Dodd more than $9000), is now chopping compensation more at basically self-supporting institutions like Bank of America than at completely-bailed out entities like Chrysler.  (Many expect Chrysler to go under despite a $70 billion auto bailout.  Even the recently departed car czar, Rattner, admits Chrysler should perhaps have been allowed to go under, from a coldly economic point of view, given its gross mismanagement and dim prospects. Bank of America’s recently departed ex-CEO was a moderate Republican; by contrast, Chrysler is owned mostly by the left-wing United Auto Workers Union, which received majority ownership from the Obama administration at taxpayer expense, through a politicized bankruptcy process).

Some of the “bailed-out” banks subject to the pay czar weren’t really bailed out: they gave the federal government preferred stock in exchange for federal bailout money only under duress, after they were told that for them not to take federal bailout money would stigmatize the banks that truly needed it, and that if they failed to take the money, bank regulators would make their lives hell. As the Treasury Secretary told the banks, “if a capital infusion is not appealing, you should be aware your regulator will require it in any circumstance.” Regulators also forced Bank of America to take over failing investment bank Merrill Lynch, and pressured it to hide the resulting losses from its shareholders.

Feinberg’s actions have already left taxpayers worse off by forcing Citigroup to get rid of a profitable subsidiary. As finance professor Roy C. Smith noted in Sunday’s Washington Post, “Feinberg’s actions . . . are not going to improve either the government’s chances of getting its money back or the prospects of repairing these damaged companies. Because of his recommendations, Citigroup agreed to sell its profitable Phibro unit at an extremely low price of only one or two times earnings in order to avoid having to pay a talented trader a $100 million contractual share of the profits he had earned. The most successful of the remaining employees of Citigroup, AIG and Bank of America have been given an incentive to leave their posts, and the firms will be constrained in hiring replacements.”

Many competent executives whose pay is threatened by the pay czar are now leaving for other firms that (for the moment) are beyond his reach. The result is lousier management at banks that the FDIC insures, and that the federal government now owns stock in.

The pay czar’s political patron, Senator Dodd, received sweetheart loans from the reckless, bankrupt subprime lender Countrywide, and a massive gift from Edward Downe, in the form of a luxurious “cottage” in Ireland he received in a “cut rate real estate deal” for hundreds of thousands of dollars less than fair market value.

Banks will now be pressured to make even more risky, low-income loans. Obama has sent to Congress his proposal to create a politically correct entity called the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”

Government pressure on banks to make low-income loans was a key reason for the mortgage meltdown and the financial crisis. Yet Obama’s disturbing proposal would empower the new agency to enforce the Community Reinvestment Act without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness.  The Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.

The mortgage crisis was also caused by the reckless government-sponsored mortgage giants (“GSEs”) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and by federal affordable-housing mandates.

But Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.” (The government-sponsored mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac went broke, costing taxpayers perhaps $200 billion.  Fannie Mae apparently has engaged in massive accounting fraud, and has used intimidation to fight reform).

Worse, Obama’s plan is “largely the product of extensive conversations” with two lawmakers responsible for the corrupt status quo, Chris Dodd and Barney Frank, and it expands the reach of regulations that have been used by left-wing groups to extort payoffs from banks.

CEI Director of the Center for Investors and Entrepreneurs, John Berlau, released a statement on former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s testimony before Congress (prepared version) on his alledged strong-arming of Bank of America during last year’s bank bailouts. You can read the original release here or see below.

Paulson Must Be Held Accountable for Alleged Bank of America Threats

Statement by CEI John Berlau

Washington, D.C., July 15, 2009—Former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson is set to testify July 16 before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee on whether he pressured Bank of America about the bank’s deal to buy Merrill Lynch.  Bank of America (“BofA”) CEO Ken Lewis has testified that he felt pressured to do the deal by Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke and then-Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson.

Statement of John Berlau on testimony tomorrow of former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.

As much as President Obama is criticized, legitimately, for federal meddling in business and dictating who should serve on the auto industry boards, conservatives and others must never forget that it was Bush administration Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson that made the federal government go where it had never gone before in its dealing with private corporations. It is heartening that the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee is having a bipartisan hearing tomorrow in which Paulson will testify on these actions

Paulson exceeded his authority as Treasury Secretary on numerous occasions. When the government took over AIG in September, longtime company leader Hank Greenberg was locked out of negotiations, and Paulson replaced AIG’s CEO with Edward Liddy, who Paulson served with on the board of Goldman Sachs when Paulson was CEO.

Reports also indicate that Paulson strongly pressured healthy banks to take government money and give the government ownership stakes in the institutions, implicitly threatening negative regulatory actions if they didn’t take the deal. A set of Paulson’s “talking points” from a meeting with bankers, obtained through a Freedom of Information request by the group Judicial Watch, has him emphasizing to bank CEOs that “if a capital infusion is not appealing, you should be aware your regulator will require it in any circumstance.”

But the most disturbing allegation is the one that the committee will be exploring that Paulson and others including Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke pressured Bank of America CEO to deceive his shareholders and not report the extent of losses at Merrill Lynch at the time BofA was attempting to acquire it. According to testimony before New York state Attorney General Andrew Cuomo, Lewis was seriously considering backing out of the deal, under a “Material Adverse Change” clause in the merger agreement, because of bigger losses than predicted on Merrill’s balance sheet. According to Lewis, Paulson said, “we would remove the board and management” if BofA did so. So Lewis and the BofA board backed down.

Lewis obviously failed his shareholders by not standing up to Paulson, but Paulson’s alleged actions were the most outrageous. Paulson had no authority to remove a board and CEO of a private company – that’s for shareholders to decide.

According to Cuomo’s report, “Paulson largely corroborated Lewis’s account.” Paulson will have a chance to give his side tomorrow, but his actions, if true, cannot be excused by any counterfactual of what would have happened if the merger had not gone through. The financial crisis was largely caused by breakdown in trust, and fostering mistrust at the government level will only prolong the crisis in confidence.

Paulson and others need to be held accountable, and the rule of law must be honored. If the allegations are true, Paulson probably violated many of BofA shareholders’s constitutional rights, including the 14th Amendment’s guarantees of due process and equal protection under the law.  A Bivens lawsuit, which is filed against government employees who abuse their authority and violate constitutional rights, may be appropriate for BofA shareholders to file against Paulson and others who allegedly threatened Lewis with removal if he didn’t deceive investors.

If deceptive labeling of bills in Congess were punishable by regulatory agencies, Sens. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Maria Cantwell (D-WA) would be paying a hefty fine.

Their so-called “shareholder bill of rights,” recently introduced in the Senate, would impose a one-size fits all regime on public companies that would limit choices for shareholders, reduce corporate performance, and allow political agendas of pressure groups to trump the interests of ordinary investors. Most egregiously, the bill would make illegal a key feature of the corporate governance structures that have served shareholders very well at companies from Google and Microsoft to Berkshire Hathaway.

The bill would make it illegal for the CEO of a public company to also serve as the chairman of its board. The argument that critics such as the senators and others such as union pension funds make is that the chairman needs to be independent of the CEO for to provide better oversight for shareholders.

A prominent example critics point to is Bank of America CEO Ken Lewis, who made a series of bad calls while also serving as the company’s chairman. At the company’s recent annual meeting, Lewis was removed from his position as chairman, but not CEO, by a shareholder vote.

But this example, like many anecodotes without data, is very selective. There are many examples, by contrast, of some of the best performing companies in America.

For many decades, for instance, Warren Buffett has served as Chairman and CEO of his conglomerate Berkshire Hathaway. Yet Berkshire shareholders have not had much to complain about in terms of the company’s performance.

Simlarly, shareholders have not generally been displeased with Eric Schmidt’s tenure as chairman and CEO of Google since it went public in 2004. Past examples of sucessful stints as chairman and CEO include Bill Gates at Microsoft, where he served in both positions until he retired as CEO at the height of Microsoft’s success in 2000, and Jack Welch at General Electric in the ’80s and ’90s.

Nor is there any real evidence that having a separated chairman and CEO will keep a company from blowing up. Citigroup has had separate individuals in these position since 2004, but as it shareholders (and U.S. taxpayers) are painfully aware of, this hardly improved its corporate governance.

Different governance structuces are appropriate for different companies. A new company in its entrepreneurial stages often wants the same person as chairman and CEO for more of a focus on growth. A more established company may function better by separating these positions. Regardless, a company won’t have effective governance without diligent oversight by boards and shareholders.

The overall lesson from the experience of these companies is that shareholders are perfectly capable of deciding on things like whether the chairman and CEO should be separate, and these matters shouldn’t be dictated to them by the government. The same can be said for the bills other mandates such as “say on pay,” the requirement of an annual non-binding shareholder vote on executive salaries.

“Say on pay” has been on the proxy ballots of many companies, and sharholders have rejected the provision in the vast majority of cases, seeing the process as redundant and a waste of the company’s resources. So why should Schumer-Cantwell now impose ”say on pay” on shareholders who already have said that they didn’t want it.

Schumer-Cantwell also is on a parallel track with the Securities and Exchange Commission to impose “proxy access,” the ultimate corporate governance Trojan horse. Under this mandate, the company — and all of its shareholders — would be forced to subsidize the election campaign of any candidate for the board of directors that as few as one percent of shareholders wish to nominate.

As I have written prevously, “proxy access” lead to all sorts pressure groups, such as union pension funds and “green” foundations, cutting deals with CEOs. A union could, for instance, threaten to run candidates for the board unless the company imposed “card check” or forced unionization among its workers.

These special interest gains would come at the expense of ordinary shareholders, as the company’s performance would likely decline. And a recent survey released by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce showed that a large majority of even union households believe that pension funds should be managed to maximize retirement returns rather than, in the survey’s words, “advance the union’s social and political goals.”

So in the spirit of truth-in-advertising, Schumer and Cantwell should change the name of their legislation to the “Bossing Shareholders Around and Reducing Shareholder Value” bill. Or better yet, withdraw this destructive bill altogether.

Welcome to a very special Inaugural Edition of LibertyWeek with your hosts Richard Morrison and Cord Blomquist and Special Guest Ivan Osorio. We get started with The Day in Wikipedia and the Tweet of the Week, and then we discuss the many celebratory balls that can be found around town to mark the beginning of the new presidency. Bank of America headlines the next segment with its request for an additional $20 billion in bailout money, and then we look into what could become the first real scandal of the 44th President’s (first) term. Eventually we find our way to On the Waterfront with Ivan Osorio, where our favorite Editorial Director and labor policy analyst fills us in on the questionable activities of the Service Employees International Union and its President, Andy Stern.

Listen here.