Citigroup

The bailout of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac will cost double earlier estimates, and could cost $363 billion over the next three years, report NBC and the Associated Press.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are the corrupt government-sponsored mortgage giants that contributed to the mortgage crisis by engaging in fraud and misrepresenting subprime mortgages as prime.  Earlier, the Obama administration showered their executives with $42 million in pay, even as Obama’s pay czar was ordering productive private-sector banks to chop the pay of their executives and traders (leading one bank to dump a profitable trading operation), and imposing new taxes and burdens on private banks (but not Fannie and Freddie).

As Professor Roy C. Smith noted, because of the Obama administration’s attempt to restrict bank employee pay, “Citigroup agreed to sell its profitable Phibro unit at an extremely low price of only one or two times earnings in order to avoid having to pay a talented trader a $100 million contractual share of the profits he had earned. The most successful of the remaining employees of Citigroup, AIG and Bank of America have been given an incentive to leave their posts, and the firms will be constrained in hiring replacements.” Meanwhile, Bank of America’s stock has fallen over the last six months from over $19 to less than $12,  shrinking many Americans’ 401(k)s, as it has been injured by new rules and red tape such as the Dodd-Frank Act (which also is wiping out most free checking accounts).

While the taxpayers have lost a huge amount of money on the government-sponsored mortgage giants, they have actually made money on many private banks that accepted government bailout funds and then returned the money with interest.  (Healthy banks that never wanted a bailout and repaid their “bailout“ in full with interest, like BB&T, were pressured by the Treasury Department into accepting bailout money along with their unhealthy competitors, so that the public would not know which banks really needed a bailout; the Treasury Department feared that such knowledge would result in a run on those banks.)

The federal government has no problem paying exorbitant sums of money to people who head failed government agencies like Freddie Mac. Its CEO will receive compensation estimated at $5.5 million. The Federal Housing Finance Agency took direct control over Freddie Mac, a government-sponsored enterprise, after it ran up tens of billions of dollars in red ink buying risky mortgages, without adequate capital reserves. At the direction of the Obama administration, Freddie Mac is now running up $30 billion in losses to bail out mortgage borrowers, some of whom have high incomes. (Federal regulators sought to make Freddie Mac hide the resulting losses from the SEC and the public).

The federal government does, however, have a problem with big compensation packages at private banks like Bank of America and Citigroup, even for new executives and talented managers who had nothing to do with any financial mismanagement.  Obama’s pay czar, Ken Feinberg, a major donor to liberal politicians like Senator Chris Dodd (who recommended Feinberg for the job after he gave Dodd more than $9000), is now chopping compensation more at basically self-supporting institutions like Bank of America than at completely-bailed out entities like Chrysler.  (Many expect Chrysler to go under despite a $70 billion auto bailout.  Even the recently departed car czar, Rattner, admits Chrysler should perhaps have been allowed to go under, from a coldly economic point of view, given its gross mismanagement and dim prospects. Bank of America’s recently departed ex-CEO was a moderate Republican; by contrast, Chrysler is owned mostly by the left-wing United Auto Workers Union, which received majority ownership from the Obama administration at taxpayer expense, through a politicized bankruptcy process).

Some of the “bailed-out” banks subject to the pay czar weren’t really bailed out: they gave the federal government preferred stock in exchange for federal bailout money only under duress, after they were told that for them not to take federal bailout money would stigmatize the banks that truly needed it, and that if they failed to take the money, bank regulators would make their lives hell. As the Treasury Secretary told the banks, “if a capital infusion is not appealing, you should be aware your regulator will require it in any circumstance.” Regulators also forced Bank of America to take over failing investment bank Merrill Lynch, and pressured it to hide the resulting losses from its shareholders.

Feinberg’s actions have already left taxpayers worse off by forcing Citigroup to get rid of a profitable subsidiary. As finance professor Roy C. Smith noted in Sunday’s Washington Post, “Feinberg’s actions . . . are not going to improve either the government’s chances of getting its money back or the prospects of repairing these damaged companies. Because of his recommendations, Citigroup agreed to sell its profitable Phibro unit at an extremely low price of only one or two times earnings in order to avoid having to pay a talented trader a $100 million contractual share of the profits he had earned. The most successful of the remaining employees of Citigroup, AIG and Bank of America have been given an incentive to leave their posts, and the firms will be constrained in hiring replacements.”

Many competent executives whose pay is threatened by the pay czar are now leaving for other firms that (for the moment) are beyond his reach. The result is lousier management at banks that the FDIC insures, and that the federal government now owns stock in.

The pay czar’s political patron, Senator Dodd, received sweetheart loans from the reckless, bankrupt subprime lender Countrywide, and a massive gift from Edward Downe, in the form of a luxurious “cottage” in Ireland he received in a “cut rate real estate deal” for hundreds of thousands of dollars less than fair market value.

Banks will now be pressured to make even more risky, low-income loans. Obama has sent to Congress his proposal to create a politically correct entity called the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”

Government pressure on banks to make low-income loans was a key reason for the mortgage meltdown and the financial crisis. Yet Obama’s disturbing proposal would empower the new agency to enforce the Community Reinvestment Act without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness.  The Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.

The mortgage crisis was also caused by the reckless government-sponsored mortgage giants (“GSEs”) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and by federal affordable-housing mandates.

But Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.” (The government-sponsored mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac went broke, costing taxpayers perhaps $200 billion.  Fannie Mae apparently has engaged in massive accounting fraud, and has used intimidation to fight reform).

Worse, Obama’s plan is “largely the product of extensive conversations” with two lawmakers responsible for the corrupt status quo, Chris Dodd and Barney Frank, and it expands the reach of regulations that have been used by left-wing groups to extort payoffs from banks.

Yesterday, U.S. District Court Judge Frederick Scullin dismissed the majority of a lawsuit filed by J.C. Penney against the owner of the mall where it leases retail space.  The Carousel Center, located in Syracuse, New York, is currently undergoing a [doomed] expansion project–the largest commercial development to break ground in Syracuse in 20 years. The project is in part bolstered by public support in the form of generous tax breaks and ridiculous green giveaways (the planned hotel will be “powered by rainwater, solar,” and construction vehicles by biofuel), which has become a contentious issue in local Syracuse politics. But the development is also supported by questionable eminent domain condemnations.

In its complaint, J.C. Penney alleged that the mall owner violated the terms of its lease agreement, including provisions that required the retailer’s consent before any significant alteration to the mall was allowed to take place.  The court found that the mall was not liable because–at the insistence of the mall’s owners–the Syracuse Industrial Development Agency had condemned the property through eminent domain, which stripped all rights J.C. Penney had to its retail space per the original lease agreement. However, there appears to be some evidence that the takings were pretextual and that the developer violated the terms of the lease prior to the condemnation. This means it is possible that J.C. Penney will get some relief, despite New York’s notoriously biased and antiquated eminent domain statute. (And where exactly is the blight in this case justifying the takings? It seems difficult to apply the over-broad definition that came out of Berman v. Parker, as the condemnee is not a lone department store surrounded by “slums [and] blighted areas that tend to produce slums” in an economically-depressed inner city neighborhood, but an anchor store in a large, secure, modern shopping center.)

Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for Syracuse taxpayers, as the expansion project has also run into serious financial problems and completion of the expansion is now in jeopardy. In June, Citigroup, the primary construction lender, halted funding for the expansion project after it came to light that no tenants have agreed to lease the new space and that massive cost overruns now require drastic changes to the financing plan (specifically, Citi now wants the developer to contribute more cash). The case is currently tied up in appeals court, and the construction jobs and other benefits touted by cheerleading politicians have yet to materialize.

If deceptive labeling of bills in Congess were punishable by regulatory agencies, Sens. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Maria Cantwell (D-WA) would be paying a hefty fine.

Their so-called “shareholder bill of rights,” recently introduced in the Senate, would impose a one-size fits all regime on public companies that would limit choices for shareholders, reduce corporate performance, and allow political agendas of pressure groups to trump the interests of ordinary investors. Most egregiously, the bill would make illegal a key feature of the corporate governance structures that have served shareholders very well at companies from Google and Microsoft to Berkshire Hathaway.

The bill would make it illegal for the CEO of a public company to also serve as the chairman of its board. The argument that critics such as the senators and others such as union pension funds make is that the chairman needs to be independent of the CEO for to provide better oversight for shareholders.

A prominent example critics point to is Bank of America CEO Ken Lewis, who made a series of bad calls while also serving as the company’s chairman. At the company’s recent annual meeting, Lewis was removed from his position as chairman, but not CEO, by a shareholder vote.

But this example, like many anecodotes without data, is very selective. There are many examples, by contrast, of some of the best performing companies in America.

For many decades, for instance, Warren Buffett has served as Chairman and CEO of his conglomerate Berkshire Hathaway. Yet Berkshire shareholders have not had much to complain about in terms of the company’s performance.

Simlarly, shareholders have not generally been displeased with Eric Schmidt’s tenure as chairman and CEO of Google since it went public in 2004. Past examples of sucessful stints as chairman and CEO include Bill Gates at Microsoft, where he served in both positions until he retired as CEO at the height of Microsoft’s success in 2000, and Jack Welch at General Electric in the ’80s and ’90s.

Nor is there any real evidence that having a separated chairman and CEO will keep a company from blowing up. Citigroup has had separate individuals in these position since 2004, but as it shareholders (and U.S. taxpayers) are painfully aware of, this hardly improved its corporate governance.

Different governance structuces are appropriate for different companies. A new company in its entrepreneurial stages often wants the same person as chairman and CEO for more of a focus on growth. A more established company may function better by separating these positions. Regardless, a company won’t have effective governance without diligent oversight by boards and shareholders.

The overall lesson from the experience of these companies is that shareholders are perfectly capable of deciding on things like whether the chairman and CEO should be separate, and these matters shouldn’t be dictated to them by the government. The same can be said for the bills other mandates such as “say on pay,” the requirement of an annual non-binding shareholder vote on executive salaries.

“Say on pay” has been on the proxy ballots of many companies, and sharholders have rejected the provision in the vast majority of cases, seeing the process as redundant and a waste of the company’s resources. So why should Schumer-Cantwell now impose ”say on pay” on shareholders who already have said that they didn’t want it.

Schumer-Cantwell also is on a parallel track with the Securities and Exchange Commission to impose “proxy access,” the ultimate corporate governance Trojan horse. Under this mandate, the company — and all of its shareholders — would be forced to subsidize the election campaign of any candidate for the board of directors that as few as one percent of shareholders wish to nominate.

As I have written prevously, “proxy access” lead to all sorts pressure groups, such as union pension funds and “green” foundations, cutting deals with CEOs. A union could, for instance, threaten to run candidates for the board unless the company imposed “card check” or forced unionization among its workers.

These special interest gains would come at the expense of ordinary shareholders, as the company’s performance would likely decline. And a recent survey released by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce showed that a large majority of even union households believe that pension funds should be managed to maximize retirement returns rather than, in the survey’s words, “advance the union’s social and political goals.”

So in the spirit of truth-in-advertising, Schumer and Cantwell should change the name of their legislation to the “Bossing Shareholders Around and Reducing Shareholder Value” bill. Or better yet, withdraw this destructive bill altogether.

Welcome to Episode 33 of the LibertyWeek podcast, with your hosts Richard Morrison and Cord Blomquist and technical producer (and this week’s special guest) Ryan Young. After bidding our friend Thor Halvorssen a very happy birthday, we get a fresh recap from Ryan Young on the events of the Free State Project’s recent Liberty Forum in Nashua, New Hampshire (photos). Google’s CEO spurns Twitter (transcript via TechCrunch) in Technology News, John McCain and Richard Shelby say that the government should end the bailouts and let poorly-managed banks go bankrupt, and brewers pin their hopes on robust St. Patrick’s Day sales in this week’s edition of Beer News. Next, we go abroad for Scandal Watch where the Chinese government is cracking down on sub-optimal milk quality and finally back home to America for Olympic News, where the head of the U.S. Olympic Committee is calling it quits.

The honor of Tweet of the Week™ goes to dan_hayes of Reason.tv!

Welcome to Episode 30 of everyone’s favorite podcast LibertyWeek, with your hosts Richard Morrison and Cord Blomquist and very special guest Jeremy Lott. We start with the end of the U.S. economy as we have known it: the $790 billion economic stimulus plan and its chilling consequences. We take note of Citigroup CEO Vikram Pandit’s pledge to work for $1 a year and celebrate some good news with Alabama’s plan to legalize beer with a higher alcohol content than most wines. We then enlist our listeners to defend against the War on St. Valentine’s Day and move on to Scandal Watch: Judd Gregg edition.

The highlight of our program comes with our interview with writer, raconteur and bon vivant around town Jeremy Lott. He talks about his book, The Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency, about Presidents’ Day and the best lunch to pack when hunting with Sarah Palin. Jeremy also takes on the much-anticipated Cool v. Drool Vice Presidential Snap Judgment Lightning Round. Finally we take some legal counsel with this week’s edition of Olympic News.