Congressional Review Act

Twice during the past six months, the eco-litigators at the Center for Biological Diversity (CBD) have underscored the political necessity for Congress to overturn EPA’s endangerment finding.

Yes, that is very far from CBD’s intention. CBD is a fervent defender of the endangerment finding, the December 2009 rulemaking in which EPA concluded that greenhouse emissions endanger public health and welfare.

The endangerment finding compels EPA to establish greenhouse gas emission standards for new motor vehicles, which in turn makes carbon dioxide (CO2) a “regulated air pollutant”  under the Clean Air Act, which in turn makes ”major” stationary sources of CO2 ”subject to regulation” under the Act’s Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) pre-construction permitting program and Title V operating permits program. CBD must be thrilled by the endangerment finding and the regulatory cascade it has triggered.

CBD wants EPA to follow through on all the regulatory commitments logically entailed by the endangerment finding and CO2′s new status as a “regulated air pollutant.” But that’s where things get dicey for President Obama and his congressional allies. Once the regulatory genie is out of the bottle, Obama officials may not be able to control it.

Even EPA acknowledges that applying the Act’s permitting programs to CO2 leads to “absurd results.” For example, EPA and its state counterparts would have to process 41,000 PSD permit applications per year (instead of 280) and 6.1 million Title V permits per year (instead of 14,700). The resulting administrative quagmire would paralyze environmental enforcement, slam the brakes on development, and force millions of firms to operate in legal limbo. A more potent anti-stimulus package would be hard to imagine. 

To avoid this red ink nightmare, EPA has issued a Tailoring Rule that exempts small CO2 emitters from the Act’s permitting programs for six years. However, nothing in the statute authorizes EPA to suspend or modify the permitting requirements. In reality, EPA’s Tailoring Rule is an amending rule. It’s anybody’s guess whether courts will uphold this breach of the separation of powers.

Even if they do, the endangerment finding will still endanger the U.S. economy and our constitutional system of separated powers and democratic accountability. Thank you, CBD, for bringing this peril to light!

Last December, CBD petitioned EPA to establish national ambient air quality standards (NAAQS) for greenhouse gases set below current atmospheric levels. CBD is only acting on the obvious implication of EPA’s assertion that endangerment comes from the “elevated concentration” of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.

Why should Obama and congressional leaders worry? The Clean Air Act requires states to come into attainment with a primary (health-based) NAAQS within five or at most 10 years. Yet not even a global depression lasting several decades would suffice to lower CO2 concentrations from today’s level (390 parts per million) to the stabilization target (350 parts per million) demanded by CBD and its co-petitioners. Because EPA may not take compliance costs into account when establishing NAAQS, the endangerment finding sets the stage for eco-litigators to transform the Act into a de-industrialization mandate.  No elected official wants to take ownership of so crazy a policy. If CBD prevails, however, Obama and the Democrats — the Party of Endangerment — will be left holding the bag. 

Yesterday, CBD filed suit to overturn EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson’s reconsideration of her predecessor Stephen Johnson’s memorandum determining when a pollutant is “subject to regulation” under the PSD program. Jackson’s reconsideration held that a pollutant is subject to regulation not when EPA finalizes an emissions control rulemaking but when the rule takes effect. Since EPA’s greenhouse gas motor vehicle standards rule does not take effect until January 2011, Jackson concluded that EPA may not regulate greenhouse gases from stationary sources until then. CBD says EPA should have started already to regulate large emitters via PSD.

CBD’s lawsuit makes EPA regulation of greenhouse gases a real-time issue for this Congress, not just a post-election issue for the next Congress. It increases the pressure on Democrats to get the monkey off their back. If courts strike down Jackson’s reconsideration, they will be more likely to strike down the Tailoring Rule, which undeniably flouts statutory language. Courts will also be more likely to look favorably on CBD’s NAAQS petition, which simply demands that EPA, having made an endangerment finding, follow the letter of the law.   

Democratic Senators who don’t want to bet their political futures on EPA’s ability to control the cascading effects of greenhouse gas regulation under the Clean Air Act – or who simply believe that climate policy is too important to be made by non-elected bureaucrats, trial lawyers, and activist judges appointed for life – will soon get their opportunity.

On June 10, the Senate will vote on a resolution of disapproval (S.J.Res.26), sponsored by Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, to nullify the legal force and effect of EPA’s endangerment finding. If enacted, S.J.Res.26 will:

  1. Avert the threat of an administrative meltdown under the PSD and Title V programs.
  2. Avert the threat of sky-is-the-limit, money-is-no-object regulation of greenhouse gases via the NAAQS program.
  3. Avoid the need for EPA to play lawmaker and ’amend” a statute it is supposed merely to administer.

Most importantly, enacting Sen. Murkowski’s resolution will ensure that the big decisions about the content and direction of national policy are made by the people’s representatives, as the Constitution requires.

On June 10, the Senate will debate and vote on S.J.Res.26, a resolution of disapproval sponsored by Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska to stop EPA from ‘enacting’ controversial global warming policies through the regulatory back door.

S.J.Res.26 would overturn the legal force and effect of EPA’s endangerment finding, a December 2009 rulemaking in which the agency concluded that greenhouse gas emissions endanger public health and welfare. The endangerment finding is both trigger and precedent for sweeping policy changes Congress never approved. America could end up with a bundle of greenhouse gas regulations more costly and intrusive than any climate bill or treaty the Senate has declined to pass or ratify, yet without the people’s representatives ever voting on it.

Of course, not everbody sees it that way. In a recent letter urging Senators to vote against the Murkowski resolution, former EPA Administrator Russell Train contends that Congress did intend for EPA to regulate greenhouse gases through the Clean Air Act. His argument may be summarized as follows: 

  1. Congress enacted the Clean Air Act.
  2. The Act requires EPA to regulate air pollutants which in its judgment endanger public health or welfare.
  3. EPA has determined that greenhouse gas emissions endanger public health and welfare.
  4. Therefore, Congress intended for EPA to regulate greenhouse gases.
  5. Hence, S.J.Res.26 would “roll back” and “undermine” the Clean Air Act.

A moment’s reflection, however, reveals that this argument is an empty suit. All it proves is that EPA has jumped through the requisite procedural hoops, which nobody disputes. It in no way demonstrate that Congress intended for EPA to regulate greenhouse gases.

As I explain today on MasterResource.Org, the free-market energy blog, Train ignores the obvious:

  1. Congress did not design the Clean Air Act to be a framework for climate policy.
  2. Congress has never voted for the Act to be used as such a framework.
  3. Applying the Clean Air Act to carbon dioxide leads to “absurd results” — regulatory consequences that conflict with and undermine congressional intent, as even EPA admits.
  4. Unless stopped, EPA will be in a position to determine the stringency of fuel economy standards for the auto industry, set climate policy for the nation, and even ‘amend’ portions of the Clean Air Act (to avoid some, but not all, absurd results). These are powers Congress never delegated to EPA.

The importance of the vote on S.J.Res.26 is hard to exaggerate. Nothing less than the integrity of our constitutional system of separated powers and democratic accountability hangs in the balance.

Well, it’s not really so old. I’m referring to a March 10, 2009 letter by atmospheric scientist John Christy to EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson. I post it on Open Market and GlobalWarming.Org because it is hard to find on the Internet, and Dr. Christy makes a key point that will need to be made again and again in the upcoming Senate battle over the Murkowski resolution of disapproval to veto EPA’s endangerment finding.

The endangerment finding is the  statutory prerequisite for the joint greenhouse gas/fuel economy standards rule that EPA and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) finalized on April 1, 2010. Veto the endangerment finding, Murkowski foes warn, and NHTSA will have to ”de-couple” its portion of the joint GHG/fuel economy rule, which could delay by a year implementation of model year 2012 fuel economy standards.

Well, boo-hoo! Keeping the model year 2011 standards in place for an extra year would make no perceptible difference in atmospheric CO2 concentrations, average global temperature, weather patterns, or public health, even if one assumes that climate change is a big problem.

Christy’s letter puts this in perspective. For the sake of argument, Christy adopts the IPCC’s warming projections for its mid-range (A1B) emissions scenario. Even if the United States were to adopt immediately a 43 mpg fuel-economy standard, the net reduction in average global temperature would be 0.01°C in 2100. Such a change would be too small to detect. Even more microscopic would be the impact of the 34.1 mpg standard that NHTSA and EPA want to phase in by model year 2016. Whether that standard is delayed for a year or implemented on schedule is climatologically irrelevant.

In contrast, the economic and safety benefits of a one-year delay could be substantial. The distressed auto industry would not have to spend an estimated $5.9 billion in incremental technology investments (Table 4A.5-6) in model year 2012.

In addition, slower implementation of economy standards would slow the pace at which automakers decrease average vehicle size and weight. Reducing vehicle weight and size is a vintage method of improving fuel economy — but it also negatively affects vehicle safety. NHTSA’s 2002 fuel economy report concluded that regulatory-induced vehicle downsizing contributed to 1,300-2,600 fatalities and 13,000 to 26,000 serious injuries in 1993, a typical year. 

EPA and NHTSA struggle to belittle the size-safety tradeoff in their joint rule. However, they do include a “worst-case” scenario in which the new standards cause an additional 493 deaths in model year 2016 (see p. 144). Slowing the pace of fuel economy regulation would save lives.

Today on MasterResource.org, the free-market energy blog, I explain how EPA, by granting the California waiver, finding endangerment, and perhaps even by pulling its punches in the Massachusetts v. EPA Supreme Court case, has positioned itself to regulate fuel economy, set climate and energy policy for the nation, and amend the Clean Air Act – powers never delegated to the agency by Congress. 

It is time to rein in this rogue agency. The Congressional Review Act Resolution of Disapproval introduced by Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) is the way to do it.

In recent weeks I have penned four columns debunking the smear campaign against Sen. Lisa Murkowski’s (R-AK) Congressional Review Act (CRA) resolution of disapproval to stop EPA from dealing itself into a position to make climate and energy policy for the nation — a power Congress never delegated to EPA when it enacted the Clean Air Act.

Climate Politics: When Will the Sanctimony End? (MasterResource.Org, Mar. 2) debunks the calumny that the Murkowski resolution is “polluter-crafted,” and shows that this pejorative accurately applies to the Waxman-Markey cap-and-trade bill — legislation that many Murkowski detractors such as Climate Progress and MoveOn.org enthusiastically support.

MoveOn’s Triple Whopper (Pajamas Media, Feb. 10) shows that MoveOn.org’s TV ad campaign against the Murkowski resolution piles falsehood on top of falsehood on top of falsehood. MoveOn claims the Murkowski resolution would “roll back” the Clean Air Act (it wouldn’t), making it harder for EPA to clean the air (it wouldn’t). We should all be in a panic , MoveOn suggests, because “many Americans smoke the equivalent of a pack a day just from breathing the air.” An outrageous falsehood. According to peer-reviewed scientific research, smoking just one cigarette a day delivers anywhere from 12 to 27 times the daily dose of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) that non-smokers inhale in cities with the highest PM2.5 levels.

The aforementioned piece and two others — Resolution Would Protect the Economy (National Journal, Jan. 27) and Move Afoot in the Senate to Can EPA CO2 Regs (Pajamas Media, Jan. 23) – clarify what the Murkowski resolution is and isn’t.

Contrary to Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and other critics, the resolution is not a referendum on EPA’s science. Rather, it is a referendum on the constitutional propriety of unelected bureaucrats, courts, and eco-litigation groups setting climate and energy policy for the nation. The resolution is not an attempt to veto the scientific content of EPA’s endangerment finding. Rather, it would veto the finding’s legal force and effect.

Thus, there is no valid analogy, as Sen. Boxer claims, between the Murkowski resolution and Congress vetoing the Surgeon General’s finding that cigaratte smoking causes cancer. The Surgeon General’s finding was simply that — an assessment of the scientific literature. It did not even presume to offer policy recommendations, much less trigger a host of new regulations Congress never approved, as EPA’s endangerment finding will do if allowed to stand.

The Obama Administration warns that the Murkowski resolution would thrust the distressed U.S. auto industry into regulatory limbo, because the endangerment finding is the trigger for the combined greenhouse gas/fuel economy standards rulemaking scheduled to go into effect later this month or early April.

The National Auto Dealers Association (NADA) respectfully disagrees. In this letter, released today, NADA argues the Murkowski resolution would benefit the auto industry because there would be one less redundant yet potentially conflicting standard (EPA’s) regulating fuel economy and GHG emissions from new motor vehicles.

I’ll have more to say about NADA’s analysis in a later post.

Last Thursday, Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK), ranking member of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, introduced a resolution of disapproval, under the Congressional Review Act (CRA), to overturn EPA’s endangerment finding. Murkowski’s floor statement and a press release are available here.

As you’d expect, Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and other apostles of Gorethodoxy were quick to condemn the resolution as an attack on the Clean Air Act, science, public health, and the children.

Rubbish!

At a press conference she organized on the same day the resolution was introduced, Boxer and others tried to spin the Murkowski resolution as a referendum on science – as if Congress, King Canute-fashion, could alter the results of scientific research.  

A strong case can be made that the endangerment finding is scientifically-challenged. But that’s not what the Murkowski resolution is about.

As the Senator made clear in her floor statement, and as you can see from the text, the resolution is a referendum on the propriety of EPA taking control of the economy without so much as a by-your-leave from the people’s elected representatives. The Murkowski resolution vetoes the endangerment finding’s regulatory force and legal effect, not its intellectual content.

EPA’s endangerment finding, as I explain in this column on Pajamas Media, would launch an era of runaway regulation without representation. The Murkowski resolution is a gutsy action to safeguard the economy, government’s accountability to the people, and the separation of powers under the Constitution.