conservatives

I really enjoyed this article by Stephen Menendian of Race-Talk. The author’s complete lack of knowledge of libertarian or classical liberal thinking is on extraordinary display. It is actually quite impressive that someone could author an article with as many errors as Mr. Menendian managed with his “Problem with Libertarianism.” I’ll tackle some of them here.

The first error Mr. Menendian makes is conflating the Tea Party with libertarianism. It does appear, unfortunately, that the Tea Party is being hijacked by conservatives, who are using it to achieve ends that are outside its original formation (i.e., contain government spending and an end to corporate bailouts). One of those new, unfortunate ends is immigration restriction.

This is Mr. Menendian’s second error: he seems to think that libertarians oppose a liberal immigration policy. There is no inconsistency for libertarians here: they support both the free movement of labor and goods across borders, unlike conservatives and left-liberal progressives that support only one or the other. There are, however, many progressives and conservatives who oppose the both the free movement of labor and goods — which is to say that they seek something resembling a state of autarky (whether for absurd nationalistic reasons or equally absurd eco-”sustainability”/”social justice” reasons). Libertarians unequivocally oppose autarky in all of its forms. If Menendian needs concrete examples of pro-immigration libertarians, he can look no further than CEI’s recent publications on the topic.

Mr. Menendian’s third error is this: “I don’t need society, neither do you,” claims his libertarian, a pretty weak straw man. He says that they seek to end interactions with family, community, and fellow citizens. Here’s the problem: Again, libertarians oppose autarky — a state of no trade and interaction with others; autarky preaches independence from other individuals — but yet he says that “[t]he libertarian project tries to escape society…” This is a complete contradiction. There is nothing in libertarian philosophy advocating that one should cut themselves off from family, community, the nation, and the world. Indeed, the voluntary civil society is an important component of libertarianism. If, however, someone wishes to live a reclusive life in the mountains and rely solely on their own self — that’s their choice and it should be respected. It’s not the choice that I’d make, though [and I’m a libertarian]: to not rely on others is to live a life of poverty, both materially and mentally. I’ll refer Mr. Menendian to Leonard E. Read’s “I, Pencil,” a libertarian classic that praises our interconnected world. Mr. Menendian’s biggest intellectual problem is inability to entertain the notion that superior institutional alternatives to those that rely on coercive state power might exist.

Mr. Menendian’s fourth error is his implicit assumption that government is the best means to achieve the ends of wealth, equity, and efficient use of resources (see his comment on public schools). Mr. Menendian appears to think that government institutions and their agents are inherently superior to other institutions, and seems to ignore the possibility that government authorities are fallible and that politicians won’t have the best interests of society in mind — or even know what they are. Presumably, he’s never been to a DMV before, filled out a federal income tax return, heard about Roosevelt administration’s incarceration of Japanese-Americans in concentration camps during World War II, military drafts, the failed War on Drugs, etc. Also, he does not see the possibility big government and big business go hand-in-hand (regardless of whether its progressives or conservatives with their fingers on the button). He should also note that few people truly disagree with the idealistic ends of progressivism; the issue has to do with the means of achieving those ends (i.e., more government). Those means may not achieve the desired ends due to unintended consequences and they may even retard them.

The fifth error Menendian makes is implying that libertarians are racist (see his comments on “national identity”). If someone decides not to trade/interact with another due to bigotry, they do so at their own detriment. To forgo trade and interaction with others on the basis of physical characteristics or religious beliefs is to deny oneself the potential gains from trade and interaction that can occur (i.e., I have what you want you have what I want — let’s trade or I love you, you love me — let’s get married). Voluntary trade and interaction compels people to voluntarily treat one another humanely and strengthens a society. In fact, the trade-driven anonymous trust that characterizes modern society was by far the most important secular factor in mankind’s shift away from tribal, familial groupings (see, e.g., “Markets, Religion, Community Size, and the Evolution of Fairness and Punishment” by Henrich, et al.).

I would also ask that Mr. Menendian disclose which libertarian authors/works that he’s read; even if it’s only the Wikipedia page. I’d venture to say none; and I’d go so far to say that he’s conflated elements of conservatism with libertarianism. Here’s a succinct summary of libertarianism for Mr. Menendian: libertarians broadly share social liberals’ opinions on issues such as gay marriage, drug legalization, free speech protection, foreign policy, immigration, etc., but broadly share fiscal conservatives’ opinions on issues such as fiscal policy, monetary policy, and international trade. The underlying premise in all these matters is that the individual has the freedom to choose. Nothing in the libertarian philosophy preaches or advocates convincing people that they don’t need society. It is freedom of the individual within a society that will lead the best outcomes for society as a whole and, consequently, for the individuals within it — Hayekian “spontaneous order.”

Also, I hope Mr. Menendian elaborates on his comment that “[g]iven all this, is it surprising that libertarians are overwhelmingly white and male?” I’d argue that this is a deeply offensive comment, but I’m unsure of his underlying logic — so I’ll withhold judgment, pending his elaboration.

Conservatives and Progressives believe in the power of government. Conservatives think that government can build democracies abroad and enforce morality. Progressives think government can lift people out of poverty and correct market failures.

This faith in government is simply astounding, given the evidence to the contrary. Government is charged with some big tasks. Some of them are necessary. But often, it can’t even do the little things. Have a look at these two news stories:

Stimulus Checks Sent to the Dead

Postal Union Election Delayed After Ballots Lost in the Mail

Washington has centuries of experience cutting checks and delivering the mail. You’d think they’d have it down by now; apparently not. Even so, politicians from both parties are still pushing for more, more, more. The right wants more military spending. The left wants more entitlement spending. They have all the faith in the world that their proposals will work as intended.

Sometimes, being a classical liberal feels like being the only atheist in a room full of believers.

The TARP bank bailout program polls poorly. Fifty-eight percent of Americans think the bailouts were unnecessary. Timothy Geithner, in recent remarks, subtly reminded voters that the hated bailouts were originally a Republican proposal. It began with George W. Bush, remember.

This is a clever bit of strategy from Geithner. President Obama and congressional Democrats get most of the blame for TARP. And they deserve plenty of blame for not repealing the program. But Geithner is right. TARP began with Republicans.

The midterm elections will probably be very kind to Republicans. Geithner is saying, in effect, “be careful what you wish for.”

He’s right. If the GOP does regain control of Congress, little good is likely to come of it. They will probably do a decent job opposing the White House’s proposals. That could slow spending growth.

But what the country needs are spending cuts. And Republicans have serially proven they can’t be trusted with the public purse.

When Republicans last held power they passed the largest new entitlement program since the Great Society, nearly doubled federal spending in eight years, gave billions of dollars in subsidies to businesses and farmers, and generally made a mess of things. The TARP bailouts and the largest spending stimulus in U.S. history were their closing flourishes.

Republicans  did all the things they ran against in 1994. Many GOP candidates are saying similar things in 2010. But remember Geithner’s counsel about TARP. Only a fool would believe that Republicans will actually cut spending. Beltway fever catches quickly. And it’s contagious.

Of course, Democrats are just as bad. As I say with every election involving Democrats and Republicans, whoever wins, we lose. The best that independents can do is nudge the intellectual climate in a better direction. Geithner has kindly reminded us that we need to redouble our efforts on conservatives and progressives alike.

Richard Morrison and Marc Scribner team up with William Yeatman, Ryan Radia and Iain Murray, to bring you Episode 92 of the LibertyWeek podcast. We take on the prospects for cap-and-trade climate legislation, the FCC’s broadband power grab, tales from a hung parliament and an exciting new job opportunity in Venezuela.

Frum, like many intellectuals, suffered from the desire to gain respect from his fellow intellectuals. But, as Schumpeter noted long ago, the class interest of intellectuals is statism.

Schumpeter’s reasoning in “Can Capitalism Survive?” is rooted in envy. Intellectuals would grow envious of the entrepreneurial class – “If we’re so smart and moral, why are they so rich? – and seek to transform envy into theories of de-legitimization. Racism, sexism, environmental destruction, inequalities, exploitation of the developed world along with other associated Robber Baron style rewritings of history are the narratives they develop.

Since the narratives that inform the citizenry of most policy issues are devised and disseminated by intellectuals, the dominant narratives will be anti-capitalist, anti-business, and especially anti-entrepreneurial. That sets the stage for the growth of the state which creates many well-paying niches for intellectuals – mostly on the left, with a few on the right.

That combination of psychological and economic incentives means that most intellectuals see a large and growing government as key to their class interest.

Even conservative intellectuals seek respect from their fellow intellectuals. Intellectuals – having no obvious product save words and media appearances – are often insecure. Since most intellectuals are statists, the David Frums of the world are drawn into that ideology. AEI is not a statist institution – why they put up with him is unclear.

That point is made clear when one considers his defenders. Anne Applebaum’s “he was right” viewpoint is typical. She would have the Republican party follow the lead of David Cameron of the Tory party, endorsing European values, carbon energy rationing, redistribution policies – the whole non-sustainable welfare, regulatory state.

That would be insane.

Bill Kristol, in his New York Times column, argues for Republican timidity in fighting big government. His reason? Conservative Republicans have achieved little in that regard, since “in the real world of Republican governance…there aren’t a whole lot of small-government Republicans,” and “talk of small government may be music to conservative ears, but it’s not to the public as a whole.”

So what? That just means that the fight will be much harder than advocates of small government have envisioned to date. That’s a reason to redouble efforts, not give up. Kristol concludes:

I can’t help but admire some of my fellow conservatives’ loyalty to the small-government cause. It reminds me of the nobility of Tennyson’s Light Brigade, as it charges into battle: “Theirs but to do and die.” Maybe it would be better, though, first to reason why.

Conservatives long ago reasoned why the fight for small government must be fought. Now the reasoning to be done is not why, but how.