International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers

NLRB Targets Boeing, Ignores Congress

by Ivan Osorio on May 25, 2011

in Deregulate to Stimulate, Economy, Employment, Labor, Regulation

It is now well known that the Obama administration is trying to use the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) as a battering ram to push through policy changes favorable to organized labor. Union leaders probably don’t welcome that public attention, as the NLRB’s suit against Boeing for building a plant in South Carolina, a right-to-work state, has generated a backlash.

As I note in The American Spectator today, several lawmakers have asked the NLRB for documents pertaining to its actions against Boeing (as well as the Board’s plans to sue four states that have enacted constitutional amendments guaranteeing  secret ballots in union organizing elections).

On May 3, Sen. Mike Enzi (R-Wyo.), minority ranking member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, joined nine other senators in sending a letter to NLRB Acting General Counsel Lafe Solomon requesting documents pertaining to the Board’s actions against Boeing.

Then on May 12, House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), along with Reps. Trey Gowdy (R-S.C.) and Dennis Ross (R-Fla.), also wrote to Solomon, requesting documents pertaining to its threatened lawsuit against Boeing and the four states with secret ballot amendments — including any communications with union officials.

On May 13, Rep. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.), chairman of the Workforce Protections Subcommittee of the House Education and Workforce Committee, and 10 other senators (including Reps. Gowdy and Ross) also sent Solomon a letter, in which they strongly criticize “what we perceive to be an activist, job-destroying agenda.”

In addition, on May 5, House Education and the Workforce Committee Chairman John Kline (R-Minn.) and Health, Employment, Labor and Pensions Subcommittee Chairman Phil Roe (R-Tenn.) wrote to Solomon requesting documents pertaining to the NLRB’s case against Boeing.

The NLRB responded with a letter that simply restates the Board’s position; the only documents attached to it are two news releases from the NLRB’s own website and a copy of the NLRB’s complaint and notice of hearing. In the letter, NLRB Acting Deputy General Counsel Celeste J. Mattina directs the Congressmen to other publicly available information.

This prompted a duly strong reaction from Reps. Kline and Roe. In a release, Kline states that, “The NLRB is not immune from congressional oversight or public scrutiny.” Indeed, the NLRB is not a lawmaking body, and Congress has not delegated to it the authority to change labor laws beyond what is in any statute.

For that reason, the NLRB’s arrogance should worry anyone concerned about the rule of law and the nation’s economic well being — as an unpredictable legal environment is just about the biggest obstacle a government can throw in the way of investment and growth.

The documents to the House Oversight Committee are due this week. It may be in for a similar non-response. Members of Congress should not relent in their efforts to rein in the NLRB’s pro-union activism.

For more on labor policy, see here and here.

Unionization by Regulation: House Oversight Committee Seeks Answers from Politicized NLRB, NMB

by Ivan Osorio on May 18, 2011

in Deregulate to Stimulate, Economy, Employment, Labor, Regulation

As unions continue to decline in their private sector membership, union leaders are seeking political solutions to their problems. President Obama will need organized labor’s support for his reelection campaign, and thus has good reason to stay on unions’ good side. His administration has been pushing unionization through regulation — enacting regulatory changes favoring unionization without input from Congress.

Two key agencies in this effort are the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the National Mediation Board (NMB). The NLRB supervises the National Labor Relations Act, which covers labor relations for most private sector employees, and the NMB does the same for the Railway Labor Act (RLA), which covers railroad and airline employees.

The NLRB is threatening to sue Boeing for building a new a plant in South Carolina, a right-to-work state, as well as four states — Arizona, South Carolina, South Dakota, and Utah — for enacting amendments to their constitution that protect secret ballots in union organizing elections. Boeing’s South Carolina plant is new and was built to add to its capacity for building its new 787 Dreamliner; it was not built to shift production from the company’s unionized Puget Sound facilities.

A year ago, the NMB changed RLA voting rules from requiring a union to win a majority of votes in a bargaining unit to be certified as its monopoly bargaining representative to a majority of votes cast, which made it possible for a union to become certified with only a minority of bargaining unit members voting for it. (The FAA Reauthorization Bill, passed by the House on April 1, restores the old rule, but the bill still needs to go through conference committee.)

Now some Republican House members are trying to look into the politicization of these agencies.

On May 12, House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), along with Reps. Dennis Ross (R-Fla.) and Trey Gowdy (R-S.C.), wrote to NLRB Acting General Counsel Lafe Solomon, requesting documents pertaining to its lawsuit threats against Boeing and the four states with secret ballot amendments — including any communications with union officials.

And yesterday, Reps. Issa and Ross wrote to NMB Chairman Harry Hoglander, requesting documents related the NMB’s change of the RLA voting rule — also including communications with union officials.

The NMB documents are due to Committee on May 24, and the NLRB documents on May 27. It will be an interesting June.

Senators Introduce Bill to Push Back against NLRB Overreach

by Ivan Osorio on May 12, 2011

in Deregulate to Stimulate, Economy, Labor, Regulation

Reacting to the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) blatant efforts to promote organized labor’s agenda, Sens. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) today introduced the Jobs Protection Act (S. 964). The Act aims to counter the NLRB’s campaign against Boeing for opening a new production line for its new 787 Dreamliner jet in South Carolina, a right-to-work state. The Senators’ joint statement sums up the bill thus:

The bill would:

  • clarify that the NLRB would not be able to order an employer to relocate jobs from one location to another.
  • guarantee an employer the right to decide where to do business within the United States.
  • protect an employer’s free speech regarding the costs associated with having a unionized workforce without fear of such communication being used as evidence in an anti-union discrimination claim.

It should be outrageous that such a bill would be needed, yet it is, as the NLRB carrying water for Big Labor appears to be part of a pattern. The Board has also threatened to sue four states over amendments to their constitutions guaranteeing secret ballots in union organizing elections. As I noted recently:

Telling businesses where they may locate their facilities and states how they may amend their constitutions are, to put it mildly, highly unusual attempts to stretch federal power. But such abuse of the NLRB’s remit may be the best vehicle that Obama now has to reward his union allies — whose suport he will need in his 2012 reelection effort — following the Republican takeover of the House of Representatives in the 2010 midterm elections.

Quite simply, this is unionization through regulation, whereby regulatory agencies circumvent Congress by “reinterpreting” the law beyond recognition.

Further, my colleague Iain Murray and I note in a recent op ed:

Boeing and the four states threatened by the NLRB have the law on their side, but it will need considerable patience to see their case through. The NLRB’s recent actions go so far in seeking to reinterpret the National Labor Relations Act that litigation could go far in the federal court system, potentially even reaching the U.S. Supreme Court.

Congress, for its part, should not wait for these cases to wind their way through the courts. It needs to rein in the NLRB before it does any more damage to the nation’s economy or to workers’ rights of free association.

This is the latest episode in the Obama administration’s pattern of politicizing the NLRB to act as an agent for organized labor, rather than an independent arbiter. Congress may still need to do more to rein in this rogue agency.

For more on labor, see here.

The AFL-CIO’s “Creative Accounting”

by Ivan Osorio on May 29, 2009 · 2 comments

in Economy, Labor

The AFL-CIO has obscured its poor financial condition through “creative accounting,” says Machinists union President Tom Buffenbarger, reports Associated Press.

Tom Buffenbarger, president of the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, said in a report that the labor federation obscured its financial difficulties heading into last year’s presidential election campaign, in which it backed Democrat Barack Obama. Net assets of the 11 million-member AFL-CIO declined to a negative $2.3 million as of June 30, 2008, from a $66 million surplus on July 1, 2000.

“A new leadership — leaders chosen by our members, leaders help accountable by our members — is needed,” wrote Buffenbarger, who is a member of the AFL-CIO’s finance committee and the president of one of the nation’s largest unions. Alison Omens, a spokeswoman for the AFL-CIO, declined to comment on the report.

Where all that money has gone would take considerable financial detective work to determine, but there are a few obvious places to start looking. First, as the report notes, the AFL-CIO lost more than $13.9 million in annual revenue as a result of the Service Employees International Union, the Teamsters, and some other unions leaving the AFL-CIO in 2005 to form the new labor federation Change to Win.

But that steep drop in revenues seems not to have cooled the AFL-CIO’s aggressive use of pension funds to advance political goals. This is part of a deliberate strategy, as I wrote in 2005, on a Federalist Society-sponsored panel discussion on institutional investors, where the issue of fiduciary duty proved contentious.

AFL-CIO Associate General Counsel Damon Silvers sought to define union pension fund managers’ fiduciary responsibility broadly. First he pointed out that, “There’s a big difference between union and pension funds,” because pension funds have one function, while unions have several functions, and that the AFL-CIO, its affiliates, and “ex-affiliates” — the unions who bolted the old federation and formed Change to Win — seek to maintain that distinction. By this definition, unions’ fiduciary responsibility for their investments does not just address the return on those investments, but how they can advance the unions’ greater goals. As Silvers said, union fund managers must ask the question, “Are these assets being managed in our interest?”

The problem with this view is that such interest can be defined very, very broadly.

Earlier this year [2005], the AFL-CIO successfully pressured some banks and brokerage firms to distance themselves from organizations supportive of the Bush Social Security plan to create private accounts. In a letter to AFL-CIO General Counsel Jonathan Hiatt dated May 3, 2005, Department of Labor Deputy Assistant Secretary for Program Operations Alan Lebowitz stated that, “The Department reiterates its view that plan fiduciaries may not increase expenses, sacrifice investment returns or reduce the security of plan benefits in order to promote collateral goals.” According to The New York Times, the unions’ anti-Social Security reform campaign also involved protest rallies in New York, Washington, San Francisco, and 70 other cities.

The Labor Department was right to call the AFL-CIO on this dubious use of pension funds they are entrusted to manage in the individual pensioners’ interest; any definition of fiduciary that seeks to go beyond increasing shareholder value is mere sophistry. Yet that is precisely what the AFL-CIO has pursued as a deliberate strategy. As Diana Furchtgott-Roth of the Hudson Institute notes in a study of union pension funds:

Over the years, unions have successfully changed the operative meaning of fiduciary duty. This process of change started in the early 1990s when the AFL-CIO published Proxy Voting Guidelines. These guidelines encouraged union pension funds to consider not only how investment decisions would affect a pension fund’s financial performance, but also the effect of these decisions on communities, the environment, and the economy. This overly broad interpretation of “fiduciary duty” has allowed unions to join forces with others in the left-leaning progressive community by making investment decisions whose goals are not always consistent with traditional investment strictures.

In her study, Furchtgott-Roth found that union pension funds are severely underfunded compared to private company pension plans. (The current AFL-CIO proxy voting guidelines can be perused here; see page 21 for the “Corporate Responsibility” section.) While Furchtgott-Roth’s study does not single out the AFL-CIO, and Buffenbarger does not specify pensions as a source of trouble, the AFL-CIO is doing a lot of pensioners no favors by promoting a definition of “fiduciary duty” that concerns itself with political activism.

With union pension funds facing severe shortfalls, the obvious first step for unions seeking to address that problem would be to stop digging — that is, focus on shareholder value without other considerations to cloud investment decisions. But rather than opt for a more conservative investment strategy that they have followed to date, union leaders seem more intent on getting access to more dues by corralling in new members, though changes in the law such as the so-called Employee Free Choice Act’s (EFCA).

EFCA’s card-check provision, which would have allowed unions to circumvent secret ballot elections in organizing campaigns, turned out to be a public relations disaster for organized labor — for good reason. Now, however, union activists and their allies on Capitol Hill are looking for ways to get enough support for a “compromise” that would include EFCA’s binding arbitration provision. Under this provision, if a newly unionized company would have 120 days to reach an agreement with the union that had just begun representing its employees. After that period, a federall appointed arbitrator can come in and impose a contract — including retirement benefits.

Thus, literally overnight, a business could find itself on the hook for millions in pension obligations which it did not itself assume. For the union, this allows it to keep its pension fund going for some time longer. For the company, it could spell disaster.

As far as the government is concerned, it should maintain union financial reporting requirement at least at their current level. Rolling them back would allow greater obfuscation of the kind Buffenbarger is denouncing. Moreover, when workers decide on whether to join a union or not, they need to know what they would be getting into.