labor

March 31 was Cesar Chavez Day. Cesar Chavez Day has been celebrated in California for some time. A few other states also recognize the holiday. But this year, for the first time, it was a national holiday.

The trouble is that nobody knew it at the time.

On April 2, the White House filed a Presidential Document declaring the holiday. It ran in the April 5 Federal Register, five days after the fact.

You’d think this would have been announced in advance. But Chavez remains a controversial figure. And the gesture will be seen by President Obama’s adversaries as yet more evidence of his capture by labor interests.

The president could rebut those charges directly. Instead he actively avoided confrontation, which is one way of admitting guilt.

In today’s Washington Examiner, David Freddoso outlines the close correlation between state government debt and public sector unions. As he notes, “the states with the highest per-capita debt all have something in common: Robust public-sector unions that have, over the years, cut sweetheart deals with politicians — usually, but not always, Democrats.”

There’s a good reason for that. Public sector unions receive considerable benefit from participating in the political process. In effect, they are working to elect their bosses. This in turn gives politicians an incentive to keep their union supporters happy.

Meanwhile, the costs of public employee rents (compensation above what they would earn in an open, competitive market) are dispersed widely to be borne by the population at large. As a result, public sector unions’ concentrated benefits give them a much greater incentive for involvement in the political process than diffuse costs give the rest of the population.

Now, however, there’s a new force coming into play in this scenario: Weakening state finances. The correlation is clear and voters are starting to notice, as the numbers tell the story.

[T]he states coalesce into three main groups:

  • Among states whose government workers are less than 40 percent unionized, median per capita state debt is $2,238.
  • Among states with between 40 and 60 percent of their government workers in public sector unions, the average debt is $3,609.
  • Among states with more than 60 percent of the government workforce unionized, the average (median) per capita debt is $6,380.

As you keep an eye on the fiscal collapse of California, and New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie’s (R) efforts to rein in the unions’ power next year, bear in mind that this is quickly becoming the biggest fiscal issue in America today.

I couldn’t agree more. Yet state finances look even worse when considering the dire situation of many states’ public employee pensions.

So what to do? Freddoso cites the Cato Institute’s Chris Edwards, who recommends that, “states should follow the lead of Virginia and ban collective bargaining in the public sector.” Of course, getting there won’t be easy, but facing financial collapse could well force what once seemed politically nigh-impossible, as taxpayers decide they’ve had enough.

For more on public sector unions, see here and here.

UPDATE: Chris Edwards also writes about unions and government debt today at Cato@liberty.

As the strain on state and local government budgets around the country worsens, public employee unions have gone on the defensive, painting themselves as scapegoats for the financial crisis, reports The Wall Street Journal. Union leaders claim that elected officials are taking their financial troubles out on their workers. Yet if public employees are victims of anything, it is of union chiefs’ over-promising of lavish compensation well into the future.

Many on the left (including labor leaders) often call on everyone to pay their “fair share” (usually of taxes). By the logic of their own rhetoric,  public employees should do their “fair share” of cutting back during the recession. That hasn’t been the case.

Many private-company workers have seen their retirement accounts shrivel, while public-sector benefits have been relatively unscathed. Defined-contribution plans such as 401(k)s had $3.33 trillion in assets at the end of 2009, down 4% from $3.48 trillion in 2006, according to the Federal Reserve. Such accounts have lost value even though companies and workers contributed $100 billion over that period.

The rise in public-sector benefits has attracted the ire of citizens like Paul Nelson, a semi-retired investor in Upper Saddle River, N.J. Mr. Nelson, 59 years old, has a son at Northern Highlands Regional High School, where the principal says the school may have to cut teachers and increase class size. “Most public employees have retirement and health-care plans that private-sector employees can only dream of,” says Mr. Nelson.

State and local politicians bear a major share of the blame, not only by extending collective bargaining to the public sector, but also by acceding to union demands time and again. While undesirable, this is understandable. Public officials don’t face the competitive pressures to hold down costs that private businesses face. And while they do face constraints in the size of their budgets and potential negative reaction from taxpayers, those constraints only function in the present.

Thus, many public sector collective bargaining agreements back load benefits, in the form of pensions, well into the future. By the time the bill for those benefits comes due, the politicians who negotiated the union agreements will be out of office, leaving the mess for someone else to sort out. And quite a mess it is.

At the root of governments’ problems today are promises made in past decades. As a group, state and local governments have promised an estimated $3.35 trillion in pension and health-care benefits to be paid over the next three decades, but are estimated to have 70% of the money to cover those payments, according to the Pew Center on the States. Pension and health costs can consume 20% of city and state budgets.

California offers a view of the fallout. The state’s largest pension fund, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, known as Calpers, is estimated to be only 57% to 65% funded. Having suffered investment losses in recent years, the state has had to dip deeper into its revenues to make up the funding gap. Last year, a budget impasse forced the state to issue IOUs for taxpayer refunds.

It wasn’t long ago that California was going the other way, based on a different set of assumptions. In 1999, the state’s Democratic-controlled legislature and then-governor Gray Davis passed a law expanding benefits for many state employees. A proposal prepared by Calpers—the $200 billion fund that manages money for 1.6 million of the state’s employees, retirees and their beneficiaries—forecast that the boosted benefits would be paid for entirely by investment gains.

In addition to being optimistically generous, public employee pension funds have underperformed because of politicized investment strategies that seek to advance social goals rather than focus exclusively on maximizing returns, as fiduciary duty requires. (It is worth noting that union officials sit on many state employee pension fund boards.)

While some public sector unions have agreed to concessions, it’s been when their employers — state and local governments — are facing financial disaster, as in the case of Toledo, Ohio, which as the Journal reported yesterday, “narrowly averted having the state take over its finances by filling a $48 million budget gap late Tuesday. To tackle that deficit, Mayor Michael Bell had to take on the city’s police and firefighters’ unions and propose other controversial measures.”

As other states and cities work out ways to bring their budgets under control, public employee unions may have to agree to more such concessions, due to dire state of those governments’ finances. But they never should have gotten to that point in the first place.

Worse, many union bosses may decide to wait for a taxpayer bailout rather than make concessions. As columnist Mark Hemingway explains in today’s Washington Examiner, pension underfunding is also a major problem among private sector unions, where a bailout effort is already under way. As he notes, “Rep. Earl Pomeroy, D-N.D., has introduced legislation to explicitly put taxpayers on the hook for failing union plans.”

(Subscription needed for Wall Street Journal links.)

For more on public sector unions, see here and here.

For more on pensions, see here, herehere and here.

Investment bankers and lawyers, move aside. If you want a truly high-powered salary, try driving a bus. Last year, the Madison, Wisconsin’s highest paid city employee was…a bus driver. The Wisconsin State-Journal reports:

Madison’s highest paid city government employee last year wasn’t the mayor. It wasn’t the police chief. It wasn’t even the head of Metro Transit.

It was bus driver John E. Nelson.

Nelson earned $159,258 in 2009, including $109,892 in overtime and other pay.

He and his colleague, driver Greg Tatman, who earned $125,598, were among the city’s top 20 earners for 2009, city records show.

They’re among the seven bus drivers who made more than $100,000 last year thanks to a union contract that lets the most senior drivers who have the highest base salaries get first crack at overtime.

Unfortunately, this isn’t a freak occurrence, but an egregious example of a nationwide problem. During the 1990s boom years, many state and local governments spent the additional tax revenues from increased economic activity nearly as fast as they came in. As a result, many state and local governments face severe budget problems today.

As the State-Journal notes, Madison has taken some steps to curtail overtime, but such baby steps will be hardly enough for cities that hope to avoid the fate of Vallejo, California, which declared bankruptcy in 2008. The salary escalator contract provisions that led to outlandish salaries in Madison and Vallejo — far beyond anything comparable in the private sector — have been codified in government employee unions’ collective bargaining agreements across the country.

For more on public sector unions, see here and here.

The current issue of The Economist leads off its United States section with a story on public sector unions that breaks down the issue very well.

For years, public-sector workers have basked in an alternative reality. Nevertheless, as private-sector unions have faded, public-sector ones have thrived. In 2008 37% of government workers were unionised, nearly five times the share in the private sector (see chart), and the same share that was unionised 25 years earlier. Over that period, the share of unionised private-sector jobs collapsed from 17% to 8%. In 2009, for the first time, public workers comprised more than half of America’s union members. Democrats in particular have little incentive to anger workers, who are often their electoral foot-soldiers, and neither party wants to prod them to strike, since they hold monopolies. Those who defy unions do so at their peril. In 2005 Arnold Schwarzenegger, the governor of California, tried to curb the unions’ power. His effort was quickly terminated.

The full article is available here (paid subscription required).

For more on public sector unions, see here.

Workers may get violent if their wages are cut. The United Auto Workers union (UAW) has a monopoly and was an anchor on the Big Three U.S. automakers. These two ideas were professed by two labor leaders at the recent Federalist Society Convention in Washington, D.C.

There may be violence, says Damon A. Silvers, Associate General Counsel for the AFL-CIO and Deputy Chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel for TARP. Silvers spoke on last Friday’s panel “Labor: Wall Street, Labor Unions, and the Obama Administration: A New Paradigm for Capitol and Labor?” Speaking to the panel, he claimed economic downturns which cause people to have their wages cut, can have devastating results.

Silvers pointed to wage cuts in Brazil and spoke of the violence which ensued. He argued that when people are starving they may get violent, that the have nots will take from the haves. Quickly cautioning that this could not happen in the United States, he smirked and added, “but it may.” Not so subtly, Silvers implied that if you cut union wages there may be violence.

Another gem from the convention came from Thursday’s lead discussion “Redistribution of Wealth.” One presenter, when asked what happened to the auto industry in regards to unions, stated, “Unions missed the most basic fundamental economic role they have to play, which is to take wages out of competition. What happened was when they had a monopoly or took wages out of competition for the Big Three people competed more inefficiently…When the transplants came…the union didn’t do its job, it was an anchor to the competitive field as opposed to a help.”

Which right leaning free-market intellectuals stated this fact? None other than any Andrew Stern, the president of the SEIU! That is correct, Andy Stern blamed the collapse of the Big Three in part to the union monopoly of the UAW and called it an anchor to competition.

More characteristically, Stern also spoke of redistribution of wealth saying, “I do no support, I condemn, the redistribution of wealth — that is to say, the redistribution of wealth upwards.”

Advocating the redistribution of wealth? Cautioning of violence if wages are cut? Is this really the message top officials in the two largest labor unions want to be sending? Both Stern and Silvers knew their audience did not agree with them – Stern was sweating during his presentation – but did make an effort to speak to the constitutionally minded lawyers association.

Unfortunately, while tempered, their message was a clear endorsement of class warfare. Espousing unions as the only way for workers to get ahead in America, they chastised the Reagan era and directly blamed the demise of unions for what they claimed were lower worker wages. They ignored facts of other presenters showing that most workers’ standard of living has actually gone up in the last 30 years.

Stern should be given credit for acknowledging that the UAW monopoly helped almost destroy the American auto industry. He must acknowledge that hard work, innovation, and ingenuity are the real engine of the American economy, not collective bargaining. The monopolistic nature of unions in many industries is a liability to both workers and unions. As Stern pointed out in the context of the failure of the U.S. auto industry, unions’ inflexibility can drag down companies and work as a hindrance, not a help.

As described in an OpenMarket post by CEI’s Ivan Osorio a couple weeks ago, the Teamsters union and UPS are currently lobbying Congress to change FedEx’s labor law status, thereby making it easier for the Teamsters to organize FedEx drivers.

Today, the Washington Times ran an article on the ongoing battle, which included a you-can’t-make-this-up quote from Teamsters boss James P. Hoffa:

FedEx has built much of its empire on low-cost business models and other unsavory tactics, some of which are now coming back to haunt it.

This quote, which the Times pulled from a Teamsters-run anti-FedEx website, typifies the backward thinking of the organized labor movement: Business cost-savings should be thought of as “unsavory.” Labor, for those of this mindset, is not seen as a production input; rather, work is viewed as an end in itself. Consumer welfare, let alone shareholder welfare, is rarely considered at all.

This should appear ridiculous to anyone with even a cursory understanding of economics–you work in order to consume the things you want. Unfortunately for consumers, Big Labor is now driving U.S. economic policy.

Your host Richard Morrison welcomes back returning guest co-hosts Michelle Minton and Jeremy Lott for Episode 54 of the LibertyWeek podcast. We start with ominous hints of new taxes, California state employees making strike threats and the possible antitrust implications of the Microhoo partnership. We continue with a double-dipping pay scandal, the suppression of dissent in Venezuela and some fully transparent Olympic News.

Like the Cold War-era Third World civil wars in which the superpowers would fight each other by proxy, the increasingly bitter row within  UNITE-HERE appears to have blown up into a confrontation between the AFL-CIO and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), which disaffiliated from the former in 2005, taking other unions with it to form a new labor federation, Change to Win.

UNITE-HERE, formed from a 2004 merger between the Union of Needletrades, Industrial & Textile Employees (UNITE) and the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees (HERE), now seems like an unstable structure.

This week, the union’s textile industry segment led by Bruce Raynor (head of UNITE before the merger) voted to disaffiliate from UNITE-HERE, while th ehospitality industry segment led by John Wilhelm (head of HERE before the merger) voted to rejoin the AFL-CIO, which UNITE-HERE had left in order to join the new Change to Win labor federation, which was founded under the auspices of SEIU.

The new Raynor-led union has chosen to join SEIU. I don’t think we’ve heard the last of this.

For more on SEIU, see here.

An update from our very own Ivan Osorio:

Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Penn.) is expected to announce this afternoon that he plans to vote against cloture on the so-called Employee Free Choice Act, according to Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform, who was called by Specter’s office. He announced this at the Capital Research Center labor conference, at which I spoke on a panel this morning.

CongressDaily is also reporting the news.