Massachusetts v. EPA

EPA “Tailoring Rule” confirms Mass v. EPA set the stage for administrative quagmire and economic disaster

by Marlo Lewis on October 1, 2009 · 1 comment

in Features, Global Warming, Legal, Zeitgeist

Updated at 10/1/09 4:47 PM

I’ve just begun reading EPA’s proposed Tailoring Rule to establish a new 25,000 tons per year (TPY) ”major stationary source” applicability threshold for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions under the Clean Air Act’s Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) pre-construction permitting program and Title V operating permits program. I’ll blog about this again later on, but for now I just want to say, “We told ya so!”

Attorney Peter Glaser, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, CEI and a host of other free market groups warned repeatedly that regulating GHG emissions from new motor vehicles — the immediate policy objective of plaintiffs in the Supreme Court global warming case, Massachusetts v. EPA – would have the following consequences:

  1. CO2 would automatically become an air pollutant “subject to regulation” under the PSD and Title V programs.
  2. Millions of previously unregulated entities — big box stores, enclosed malls, hotels, apartment complexes, mid-sized office buildings, even commercial kitchens — would be vulnerable to new controls, paperwork, penalties, and litigation.
  3. The volume of permit applications would create an administrative quagmire for EPA and state environmental permitting agencies.
  4. The new costs, uncertainties, and delays would create an unprecedented roadblock to new construction and economic development, turning the Clean Air Act into a gigantic Anti-Stimulus program.

Predictably, global warming activists, such as Sierra Club climate council David Bookbinder, a plaintiff in Massachusetts v. EPA, derided these concerns as a “bugaboo,” a “red herring,” and a “pure scare tactic” by industry foes of regulatory climate policy. (See segments 1:47 – 1:48 and 2:03 – 2:05 of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee’s Archived Webcast).

EPA’s July 30, 2008 Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking: Regulating Greenhouse Gas Emissions under the Clean Air Act (ANPR) acknowledged that applying PSD to CO2 might increase the volume of permit applications by an “order of magnitude” (p. 44499), might “overwhelm” the administrative resources of permitting authorities (p. 44507), and might subject sources to new costs, uncertainties, and delays (p. 44502). However, the ANPR considerably understated the risks, Glaser, the Chamber, and CEI argued.

Well, you can now get the lowdown straight from the horse’s mouth.  Here’s what EPA’s Tailoring Rule says:

If PSD and Title V requirements apply at the applicability levels provided under the CAA, state permitting authorities would be paralyzed by permit applications in numbers that are orders of magnitude [not a mere "order of magnitude," as in the ANPR] greater than their current administrative resources could accomodate [p. 1].

* * *

If PSD and Title V requirements apply at the applicability levels provided under the CAA, many small sources would be burdened by the costs of individualized PSD control technology requirements and permit applications. In addition, state permitting authorities would be paralyzed by enormous numbers of these permit applications; the numbers are orders of magnitude greater than the current inventory of permits and would vastly exceed the current administrative resources of the permitting authorities [pp. 15-16]

* * *

In short, without this tailoring rule, the administrative burdens would be immense, and they would immediately and completely overwhelm the permitting authorities. Without this tailoring rule, permitting authorities would receive approximately 40,000 PSD permit applications each year — currently, they receive approximately 300 — and they would be required to issue Title V permits for approximately some six million sources — currently, their Title V inventory is some 15,000 sources [p. 19].

* * *

Based on our GHG threshold data analyis, we estimate that almost 41,000 new and modified facilities per year would be subject to PSD review, based on the current rate of modifications at major sources, if a GHG major sourcee threshold of 250 TPY CO2e [carbon dioxide equivalent] were applied. Compared to the 280 PSD permits currently issued last year, this would be an increase in permits of more than 140-fold [p. 50].

* * *

Based on these assumptions [permitting agency costs in time and money to process a PSD permit for a commercial or residential GHG source would be only 20% of the time and money required to process a permit for an industrial GHG source], the additional annual permitting burden for permitting authorities, on a national basis, is estimated to be 3.3 million hours at a cost of $257 million to include all GHG emitters above the 250-TPY threshold [pp. 51-52].

* * *

Most significant [of new Title V obligations triggered by GHG regulation of new motor vehicles] are the more than six million sources of GHGs that would become newly subject to Title V requirements because they exceed the 100-TPY threshold for GHG but did not for previously regulated pollutants. Although there are generally not applicable requirements for GHGs that apply to such sources [a gross understatement -- although there are generally no Clean Air Act requirements, period, that apply to such sources], these six million sources would be required to submit a Title V permit application within 1 year [pp. 56-57].

* * *

Obviously, this massive influx of permit applications would overwhelm permitting authorities’ administrative resources. Indeed, permitting authorities report that they currently are having difficulty keeping up with their existing permit workloads. The Tite V Operating Permits System database, which tracks permit issuance, confirms that issuance of many permits is already delayed. By increasing the volume of permits by over 400 times, the administrative burden would be unmanageable [p. 58].

* * *

We estimate that for permitting authorities, the average new commercial or residential [Title V] permit would require 43 hours to process, which is 10 percent of the time needed for the average industrial permit . . . We estimate that the total nationwide additional burden for permitting authorities for Title V permits from adding GHG emissions at the 100-TPY threshold would be 340 imllion hours, which would cost over $15 billion [p. 59].

These burdens are “absurd,” EPA argues, because they are “inconsistent” with “congressional intent,” indeed would “undermine congressional purposes” (p. 19). Hence, EPA concludes, it is justified in effectively amending the statute, upping the PSD and Title V applicability thresholds for major sources from 100/250 TPY to 25,000 TPY.

Well, somebody needs to point out the obvious. The looming threat of an economy-chilling administrative quagmire didn’t just happen. The absurdity of agencies spending 340 million hours and $15 billion to process hollow operating permits didn’t suddenly spring forth from the text of Title V. Nothing in the Clean Air Act has changed since it was amended in 1977 and 1990 to turn it into an economic wrecking ball. Congress is still debating cap-and-trade, and never signed off on EPA using the Clean Air Act to control CO2 emissions from stationary sources. No, the absurd results are entirely a product of Mass. v. EPA. So is the necessity for EPA now to amend clear and unambiguous statutory language, violating the separation of powers.

When a court decision leads to absurd results, there are only two possibilities. (1) The absurdity was lurking in the statute all along and the court simply brought it to light; or (2) the court messed up, manufacturing absurdity in an otherwise sane and reasonably coherent law. My comment on EPA’s proposed endangerment finding (especially pp. 28-33) argues the blame lies with the Court, not those who drafted and enacted the Clean Air Act.

Carbon dioxide by any other name would fertilize as well: Myron Ebell quoted in Climatewire

by Marlo Lewis on September 23, 2009 · 1 comment

in Global Warming

Today’s ClimateWire (subscription required) carries an analysis by reporter Lauren Morello that begins:

Say goodbye to “greenhouse gases.” Say hello to “carbon pollution” and ”heat-trapping gases.”  

Morello observes a shift in the vocabulary U.S. government officials are using to talk about global warming — a change much in evidence in President Obama’s climate speech yesterday at the U.N.

Obama officials increasingly avoid the non-pejorative (although somewhat metaphorical) term “greenhouse gas” to describe carbon dioxide and instead refer to “carbon pollution” and “heat-trapping gases.”

Morello quotes NOAA chief Jane Lubchenco’s explanation that these terms are emphasized to “make what’s happening more understandable and more accessible to non-technical audiences.”

Fortunately, she also quotes CEI’s Myron Ebell, who cuts to the chase: “The cleverest thing that the global warming alarmists have done is to categorize carbon dioxide emissions as pollution, because it’s not true.”

The Obama administration’s shift to this terminology is actually way behind the green bamboozle curve. Al Gore repeatedly called carbon dioxide “global warming pollution” in his 2006 film and book, An Inconvenient Truth. Major environmental groups have been denouncing “greenhouse pollution” and “global warming pollution” for years.

The Supreme Court takes the cake, however, deciding in Massachusetts v. EPA (April 2007) that carbon dioxide is an “air pollutant” merely by virtue of the fact that it is “emitted into” the air. By that logic, even zero-pollution, completely clean air is an “air pollutant,” provided it is “emitted.”

This sort of terminological confusion is not harmless. By defining CO2 as an “air pollutant” merely because it is “emitted,” the Court set the stage for a gigantic regulatory chain reaction under the Clean Air Act that could easily dwarf Waxman-Markey and the Kyoto Protocol in cost and scope, as I explain here.

If Lubchenco really wants to demystify the climate debate, she might start by describing CO2 more accurately. Here’s my pick: ”a plant-fertilizing, biosphere-greening, colorless, odorless, non-polluting, trace gas.”

EPA proposes illegal rule

by Marlo Lewis on September 2, 2009 · 2 comments

in Global Warming

Yesterday, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) sent a draft proposed rule to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) that would exempt small emitters of carbon dioxide (CO2) from Clean Air Act (CAA) pre-construction permitting requirement, Greenwire reports.

The proposed rule, as described in Greenwire, is blatantly illegal. It is a tacit admission that the Supreme Court decision in Massachusetts v. EPA set the stage for an economic disaster. It is additional evidence that Mass v. EPA was wrongly decided. It confirms CEI’s warning that the Court’s ruling imperils a core constitutional principle — the separation of powers.

In Mass. v. EPA, the Supreme Court, by a narrow 5-4 majority, decided that CO2 and other greenhouse gases (GHG) are “air pollutants” within the meaning of CAA, and gave EPA three options: (1) issue a finding that GHG-related “air pollution” “may reasonably be anticipated to endanger public health or welfare,” (2) issue a finding of no endangerment, or (3) provide a “reasonable explanation” why the agency cannot or will not exercise its discretion to make such a determination.

The Court further held that if EPA makes a finding of endangerment, then it has a duty, under CAA Sec. 202, to develop and adopt GHG emission standards for new motor vehicles.

EPA picked option (1), and last month, it sent OMB a draft proposed rule to establish GHG emission standards for new motor vehicles.

Although the Court majority asserted that an endangerment finding could not lead to “extreme measures” and would only require a cost-constrained adjustment of existing federal fuel-economy standards (see. p. 28 of the decision), in fact the endangerment finding will trigger a chain reaction throughout the CAA — a regulatory cascade potentially exceeding in cost, scope, and intrusiveness the Kyoto Protocol and many other GHG-control schemes Congress has never seen fit to pass.

For starters, establishing GHG emission standards for new motor vehicles will by definition make CO2 a CAA-regulated air pollutant. As such, CO2 would automatically be ”subject to regulation” under the Act’s Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) pre-construction permitting program (CAA Sec. 165). Under the CAA, any firm that plans to build a new “major” stationary source, or modify an existing major source in a way that would significantly increase emissions, must first obtain a PSD permit from EPA or a state environmental agency.

A PSD source is “major” if it is in one of 28 listed categories and has a potential to emit 100 tons per year (TPY) of an air pollutant, or if it is any other type of establishment and has a potential to emit 250 TPY (CAA Sec. 169). 

And there’s the rub. Whereas only large industrial facilities have a potential to emit 250 TPY of air contaminants such as sulfur dioxide or particulate matter, an immense number and variety of entities – office buildings, hotels, big box stores, enclosed malls, small manufacturing firms, even commercial kitchens – have a potential to emit 250 TPY of CO2. A September 2008 report commissioned by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce  estimates that 1.2 million buildings and facilities – most of them currently unregulated under the CAA – actually emit 250 TPY of CO2. All would be vulnerable to new PSD regulation, controls, paperwork, penalties, and litigation.

To obtain a PSD permit, firms must document their compliance with ”best available control technology” (BACT) standards. Even apart from any technology investments needed to comply with BACT, the PSD permitting process is costly and time-consuming.  In a recent year, each permit on average cost $125,120 and 866 burden hours for a source to obtain,  EPA estimates. No small business could operate subject to the PSD administrative burden.

The costs, uncertainties, and delays from applying PSD and BACT to CO2 would have a chilling effect on economic development and construction activity. It would turn the CAA into a gigantic Anti-Stimulus Package in a period of financial crisis and high unemployment. Definitely not something the Obama administration wants on its record in the 2010 election season.

EPA’s July 2008 Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPR) outlined several administrative remedies to shield small entities from PSD requirements, all of doubtful legality. But if the Greenwire article is accurate, EPA is opting for the most brazenly illegal option of all. It proposes to revise, on its own authority, the PSD threshold from 250 TPY to 25,000 TPY.

Now friends, under the 1984 Supreme Court case of Chevron v. NRDC, EPA has considerable discretionary authority in interpreting the CAA where the statute is “silent or ambiguous with respect to the specific issue.” But there is nothing ambiguous about the number 250. No matter how you squint at the page, 250 is 100 times smaller than the threshold EPA proposes to put in its place.

According to Greenwire, Sierra Club’s David Bookbinder, a counsel for petitioners in Mass. v. EPA, “said the rule would also deflect claims from Republican lawmakers and industry groups that the Obama administration is seeking to regulate small emission sources such as doughnut shops, schools, and nursing homes.” But the Obama administration’s intent is not the issue. The issue is whether EPA, as a matter of law, must apply PSD requirements to doughnut shops, etc. once it starts regulating CO2 under Sec. 202.

Greenwire then quotes Bookbinder: “Putting this rule in place deflates a lot of political rhetoric about regulating CO2.” Well, I hope industry and the GOP are not so naive as to put their trust in an illegal rule. A rule that flouts clear statutory language of the CAA can provide no durable protection from the regulatory cascade that an endangerment finding and EPA adoption of motor vehicle GHG emission standards would unleash.

EPA’s proposed draft rule is a tacit admission of what CEI has said all along: EPA cannot regulate CO2 under the CAA without endangering the U.S. economy — unless EPA plays lawmaker, amends the Act, and violates the separation of powers. When the Supreme Court handed down the Mass. v. EPA decision, it set the stage for a constitutional crisis.

Of course, the bigger constitutional crisis stemming from Mass. v. EPA is that we could end up with an energy suppression regime far more costly than Kyoto or Waxman-Markey, yet without the people’s elected representatives ever voting on it.

For the gory details, see my blog post on MasterResource.Org and my comment (pp. 28-56) on EPA’s proposed endangerment finding.

Will Climate Thuggery Capture the SEC?

by Marlo Lewis on July 13, 2009 · 1 comment

in Features, Global Warming, Insurance, Zeitgeist

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) may require corporations to assess and disclose the impacts of global warming and climate change policy on their bottom lines, today’s Climate Wire (subscription required) reports. The story indicates that Commissioner Elisse Walter is the key proponent inside the SEC. The big outside push–no surprise–comes from Ceres, the eco-sustainability investment network. Wisconsin insurance regulator Sean Dilweg and Maryland Treasurer Nancy Kopp are also cited as leading advocates of SEC-mandated “climate risk disclosure.”

Climate Wire rightly notes that, “The move would drive the government deeper into the climate debate, potentially reshaping management decisions at companies across the country.”

The prospect of SEC-required disclosure of climate risk scares the bejesus out of fossil energy producers and energy-intensive manufacturers, Climate Wire indicates:

Big emitters like oil and gas companies, for example, might have to formally reveal the output of their greenhouse gases and the disadvantages they face from federal efforts to charge polluters for every ton of carbon that’s released.

Even more, the revelations could spark financial fallout. Institutional investment groups with trillions of dollars in assets could use the disclosures as the basis for withdrawing money from companies they consider unprepared for rising risk related to regulation and climatic convulsions.

In reality, there is little risk to company bottom lines from climate change per se. Even if one makes the questionable assumption, for example, that global warming will measurably intensify tropical storms over the next few decades, climate risk will always exceed climate change risk by a wide margin. For instance, due to completely natural climatic factors, a company in Florida has a much greater vulnerability to hurricane strikes and damages than a company in Ohio, regardless of how climate changes. Yet this does not stop people and businesses from moving to Florida, enjoying good weather most of the time, and building a prosperous society.

No, the really serious climate risks are policy-related. For example, the application of Clean Air Act permitting rules to stationary sources of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions–the inescapable consequence of EPA establishing greenhouse gas (GHG) emission standards for new motor vehicles in response to the Supreme Court’s April 2007 Massachusetts v. EPA decision–would potentially expose 1.2 million previously unregulated firms to new controls, paperwork, penalties, and litigation.

Moreover, the endangerment finding prerequisite to EPA adoption of GHG controls for motor vehicles could also compel the agency to promulgate National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) for GHG-related “air pollution.” Logically, NAAQS for GHGs would have to be set below current atmospheric levels and, thus, could not be attained even if EPA shut down every car, power plant, and factory in the United States.

Once the regulatory cascade starts, climate policy risk to the U.S. economy could function as a gigantic, permanent, Anti-Stimulus Package. For the gory details, see my comment on EPA’s Endangerment Proposal, especially pp. 33-48.

It’s not enough for Ceres and other eco-zealots to clobber big emitters and industrial energy consumers with costly regulation. They also want those companies to scare away investors in advance of climate regulation via public disclosure of the potential burdens.

However, the Ceres strategy could backfire. If the SEC adopts the Ceres plan, targeted corporations should use the mandated information to publicize the destructive impacts of climate regulations on jobs, growth, investment, and shareholder value. Such information would reveal that the risks of climate policy vastly outweigh the risks of climate change. It could and should fuel a broad-based political backlash against the self-anointed saviors of Planet Earth.

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