phenergan

The Supreme Court handed down its decision this morning in the Wyeth v. Levine federal preemption case, holding, by a 6-3 majority, that “Federal law does not pre-empt [plaintiff Diana] Levine’s claim that [the Wyeth drug] Phenergan’s label did not contain an adequate warning about the IV-push method of administration.” Justice Stevens wrote the majority opinion, joined by Justices Kennedy, Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyr, and with Justice Thomas concurring in the judgment. Justice Alito wrote a compelling dissenting opinion, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Scalia. Guest blogger Bert Rein and I separately commented on the case here, here, here, and here.

According to Justice Stevens’ majority opinion, “The history of the [Food Drug and Cosmetics Act] shows that Congress did not intend to pre-empt state-law failure-to-warn actions.” Fair enough, but this isn’t a typical failure-to-warn case. As Justice Alito’s dissent notes, Ms. Levine alleged not only that the warning on Phenergan’s label wasn’t strong enough, but that Phenergan was “not reasonably safe for intravenous administration,” and that Phenergan’s label should have indicated that the drug “should not be used intravenously.” But, that’s a question regarding FDA’s approval of the product for that use, not merely the sufficiency of the warning.

Consequently, the decision reaches to the very core of FDA’s statutory competence. FDA made a regulatory decision that the benefits of IV injection outweighed the risks, and the agency permitted the product to be labeled accordingly. Furthermore, there are no allegations that Wyeth hid any information about the risks of IV injection, nor that any new information regarding the risks of IV injection have arisen that would call that decision into question since FDA made it. So, letting a Vermont jury penalize Wyeth for not ruling out IV injection on Phenergan’s label is tantamount to letting a group of laymen over-rule FDA’s expert opinion regarding safety.

It would have been one thing if new evidence of risk had arisen since FDA approved the label, or if Wyeth were accused of hiding information from the FDA or mis-representing the data it did provide. In such a case, exposing a drug manufacturer to tort liability would not be over-riding FDA’s expert judgment. But that is decidedly not the case here. Indeed, the negligent act that actually caused Ms. Levine’s unfortunate injury was not an IV push injection into a vein, but the physician’s assistant’s botched administration. The physician’s assistant injected Phenergan into Ms. Levine’s artery, in direct contravention of six label warnings against arterial injection. More or sterner warnings against arterial injection would not have prevented Ms. Levine’s injury.

Thus, the Supreme Court could have and should have held in Wyeth’s favor with a narrowly tailored opinion confined to the facts of this case. Doing so would not have insulated wrong-doers from punishment, but would have recognized that Congress gave FDA statutory authority over questions of safety and efficacy because it believed that only a federal expert body could effectively balance the benefits and risks of new medicines. So, not only is the majority’s decision bad policy, it’s also bad law.

The Wyeth v. Levine case presents a narrow set of facts in which the Food and Drug Administration had, for many years, known about the risks presented by intravenous push injection of Phenergan and worked with the manufacturer to carefully word the label description of this risk. There is no allegation of fraud in this case, nor has relevant information about this risk arisen since the label language was last amended. Nevertheless, disregarding the limiting facts in the Levine case, a flood of “friend of the Court” pleadings supporting Ms. Levine sought to broaden the preemption debate and persuade the Court of the critical need for additional tort-based supervision of the pharmaceutical industry. The FDA was portrayed as the vassal of the pharmaceutical industry, either unable or unwilling to protect the public against unsafe drugs. The industry was portrayed as a callous marketing machine committed to maximizing revenues – safety be-damned – and using promotion to skew medical decisions away from science-based, cost-effective medicine. Paying judgments was presented as a mere inconvenience given the enormous profit margins on pioneer branded drugs.

Ms. Levine’s supporters, who include the American Association for Justice (“AAJ”, formerly ATLA) are sophisticated enough to know that arguments relating to fact patterns not before the Supreme Court are unlikely, at best, to affect the Court’s judgment. Their briefs are more realistically targeted at a political audience which they wish to persuade to “right the wrong” should Wyeth prevail. Not surprisingly, AAJ has produced and is widely distributing a 22 minute video featuring Ms. Levine and promoting her cause. Thus, AAJ apparently believes that demonizing the pharmaceutical industry and denigrating the FDA is just one more means of obscuring the merits of federal preemption and positioning the issue as individual victim against industry Goliath – good versus evil.

On the actual policy merits, it is hard to conceive of any sound argument against the superiority of a uniform, scientifically based, expertly administered system for determining if and how prescription drugs should be approved for use, labeled and administered. Of course prescription drugs are powerful chemical and biological entities and their use will always entail a risk of injury. Some risks, as in the case of Phenergan, will be known, labeled and avoidable by proper medical procedures. Others, however, will be rare enough that only widespread use will suffice to detect and label them. In either case, given AAJ’s fundamental tenet that every injury warrants a legal proceeding and judicial remedy, injured patients like Ms. Levine will seek to have lay juries provide compensation by faulting the conduct of pharmaceutical companies. Sympathetic jurors, acting without scientific training, will set ex post facto standards of labeling conduct that override FDA’s determination that the drug allegedly causing injury was safe and effective for its labeled uses.

Absent preemption of these state-law conduct standards, pharmaceutical companies either will have to accommodate to jury determinations by restricting beneficial use of their products or face damages that have drained, and will continue to drain billions of dollars from the research-based industry, largely to the benefit of the pharmaceutical litigation industry. Moreover, practicing physicians will lack authoritative guidance for administering drug treatment and will be forced to consider whether they will be held accountable for failing to prevent injuries by considering any and all risks that might have been suggested in any publication an enterprising lawyer might later discover.

If faced with the question whether FDA experts or panels of lay people drawn randomly from the general population should make the hard call whether a drug’s effectiveness in treatment outweighs the risks it necessarily creates, few would opt for a lay decision. Yet a non-preemptive tort system makes exactly that choice and further distorts the decision process by focusing the inquiry on a single sympathetic drug-related injury and essentially ignoring the interests of all those who benefit from having the drug available.

AAJ and its allies no doubt hope to capitalize on the natural sympathy generated by innocent victims and the animosity whipped up by isolated instances of overzealous promotion or delayed recognition of emerging risk by pharmaceutical companies to overcome the sound policy support for uniform conduct standards enforced through federal preemption. Sadly, if they succeed in imposing dual level regulation by throwing brickbats at the pharmaceutical industry and the FDA, the harm to the public may spread even beyond a liability system run riot.

FDA professional staff, and FDA’s leadership are not insensitive to the criticisms levied at them in political debate and highlighted by jury verdicts proclaiming that drugs FDA has adjudged safe are, in fact, unreasonably unsafe. FDA’s likely reaction is to exercise greater caution in reviewing new drug applications, to demand more clinical testing in more sub-populations for longer periods before approval and to encourage defensive, use-restricting labeling and management systems. The inevitable consequence is to further limit the number of new drugs approved, to substantially increase the cost and risk of FDA’s new drug approval process and to deteriorate return on investment by deferring access to market.

The American pharmaceutical industry is one of the few successes left in an otherwise bleak industrial landscape. To survive, and hopefully thrive, American pharmaceutical manufactures need to have a regulatory apparatus reasonably tolerant of the risks arising from powerful new cures, the ability to disseminate meaningful information about new products, the pricing freedom to recoup the costs of research and development in a limited period of patent exclusivity and reliable upfront standards for the labeling and administration of their drugs. The looming fight over federal preemption will directly or indirectly affect each of these elements of pharmaceutical industry success. Indeed, winning the preemption battle may be essential to the survival of a privately financed, research-based, free enterprise pharmaceutical industry. Ironically, if the AAJ and its allies succeed in imposing dual regulation through attacking the industry on all fronts, they may wind up sorely missing their pharmaceutical industry whipping boy but they will not miss it nearly as much as the patient population of which we are all a part or the troubled American economy.

[Editor's Note: Bert Rein, a founding partner in the Washington, DC law firm Wiley-Rein and a long-time friend of CEI, represents Wyeth in this case. This post appears by invitation.]

The Supreme Court’s pending, and perhaps imminent, decision on the preemptive effective of FDA drug labeling approvals in Wyeth v. Levine has stimulated a flood of legal and public policy debate on the roles that federal regulation and state-law based tort litigation should play in regulating pharmaceutical manufacturers. That debate, which is almost certain to continue in a legislative forum should Wyeth prevail before the Court, may determine the future of the now-lucrative litigation industry. More importantly, arguments made in the debate by those seeking to protect or expand litigation opportunities may exacerbate an onslaught of public policy initiatives that threaten the future viability of a private enterprise, research-based pharmaceutical industry.

The Wyeth v. Levine case itself presents a relatively narrow preemption issue. Ms. Levine lost her right forearm to gangrene when Wyeth’s drug Phenergan was improperly administered by intravenous push injection to deal with her severe migraine-related nausea. The drug entered an artery and caused gangrene. The administering clinic failed to observe a number of cautions prominently displayed on Phenergan’s label relating to the maximum total dosage, rate of administration, cessation of treatment on complaint of pain and extreme caution in avoiding exposure of Phenergan to arterial blood. Nevertheless, after settling her claim against the administering clinic, Ms. Levine successfully sued Wyeth under Vermont law for failing to totally foreclose push injection of Phenergan in its labeling and thus allegedly making the product unreasonably unsafe.

Wyeth’s constitutional preemption defense was two pronged. Wyeth first argued that, under federal law, it could not have complied with Vermont’s labeling standard. The FDA, in first approving Phenergan in 1955 and then repeatedly approving Wyeth’s evolving label, had determined that push injection – the fastest and most efficacious method of administration – was safe given the cautions included in the label. Wyeth’s post-approval experience had provided no additional information that would authorize a deviation from FDA’s position and any unauthorized deviation would put Wyeth in violation of federal law. Wyeth also argued that Congress had given FDA national authority to optimize prescription drug use by balancing benefit and risk and that state law – particularly case-by-case setting of labeling standards in jury trials – should not override FDA’s scientific risk assessments. Wyeth presented both arguments to the Supreme Court in seeking certiorari and in arguing the merits of its case.

Ms. Levine’s response to Wyeth was that FDA’s balancing determinations should be viewed as minimum standards subject to imposition of added safety requirements under state law. Congress had not included an express preemption clause in FDA’s prescription drug authority as it had, for example, in FDA’s medical device authority and thus a presumption against preemption should prevail. In any case, Ms. Levine argued, Vermont’s labeling standard only required Wyeth to compensate Ms. Levine and did not force Wyeth to change its federally-approved label.

The legal arguments of the parties, and the incremental approach typical of the Supreme Court, strongly suggest that the Court will issue a narrow legal ruling addressing FDA preemption only in the context of fully-informed FDA labeling decisions directly challenged in state tort actions. The Court is unlikely to rule on the consequences of allegedly fraudulent representations to the FDA or of pharmaceutical company failures to disclose or act upon new safety information available to the manufacturer after FDA approval. If other cases present those issues the Court will be able to deal with them on a full factual record.

Still, a number of organizations have filed amicus curiae (“friend of the Court”) briefs making “policy” rather than legal arguments regarding the importance of this case. Many, including the American Association for Justice (“AAJ”, formerly known as the Association of Trial Lawyers of America) have disregarded the narrow facts presented in Wyeth v. Levine to argue that preemption ought to be denied because of a need for additional tort-based supervision of the pharmaceutical industry. I will discuss the merits of these policy arguments in my next post.

[Editor's Note: Bert Rein, a founding partner in the Washington, DC law firm Wiley-Rein and a long-time friend of CEI, represents Wyeth in this case. This post appears by invitation.]

Back in November, I wrote about the pending Supreme Court case Wyeth v. Levine, the decision in which will have a huge impact on the pharmaceutical industry and the law of federal preemption. The plaintiff in that case, Diana Levine, was injured when a physician’s assistant improperly injected a Wyeth-made drug into Levine’s artery despite a clear, FDA-approved label statement warning against possible risks from arterial injection.

Levine and her lawyers were nevertheless able to convince a Vermont jury that FDA’s approval of the label warning should not preclude her claim under Vermont tort law that Wyeth acted negligently. Wyeth, on the other hand, argued that the explicit FDA approval of the label statement should preempt Vermont law, since Congress delegated to FDA the authority to carefully examine the risks and benefits of medical drugs and determine whether they are, on balance, safe enough for doctors and their patients to use. In November, the United States Supreme Court heard oral argument on the preemption question, and a decision in the case is expected some time this spring.

One of Wyeth’s attorneys in the case is Bert Rein, éminence grise in the Washington legal scene and a founding partner of the highly regarded firm Wiley-Rein. Bert is a long-time friend of the Competitive Enterprise Institute, and he and other Wiley-Rein attorneys have done pro bono work for CEI in past years. So, I am happy to announce that Bert has agreed to contribute a few guest blog posts to Open Market discussing the importance of this case. His first post will appear later this morning.

Diana Levine suffered from chronic migraine headaches for many years. So, in April 2000, when she went to a local clinic to get treatment, she knew what to expect. She’d received the same treatment several times before: an injection of Demerol for the pain, and an injection of an antihistamine called Phenergan to treat the nausea that accompanies both migraine headaches and Demerol itself. Everything was normal — except for how the drugs were actually administered. The physician’s assistant who gave her the drugs accidentally injected the Phenergan into an artery, instead of a vein, causing tissue death and gangrene. Ms. Levine, a professional musician, eventually had to have her arm amputated.

Levine naturally sued the physician’s assistant, the supervising physician, and the clinic for malpractice. After all, Phenergan’s FDA-approved label specifically warned against injection into an artery, precisely explaining the likely, tragic side-effects. But Levine also sued the pharmaceutical company that manufactures Phenergan, Wyeth, arguing that the warnings were not clear enough. Despite Wyeth’s defense that the drug had been on the market since 1955, FDA had known about the gangrene risk since 1967, and the agency had explicitly approved the warning that was included on the label, a Vermont jury awarded Levine $6.8 million dollars.

Wyeth appealed the jury verdict, arguing that, because it had complied with FDA regulations on both product safety and labeling, and because there was no new information about Phenergan’s risks that would supersede FDA’s judgment about the warning language, FDA regulation should preempt the state tort claim. And FDA agreed. Nevertheless, the Vermont Supreme Court affirmed the verdict, and Wyeth further appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which hears oral argument in the case today.
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