schumpeter

It’s because people rely on ad hominems and straw-man arguments. These leave the opponents’ actual arguments untouched, and resolve nothing.

So true is it that, in science as elsewhere, we fight for and against not men and things as they are, but for and against the caricatures we make of them.

–Joseph Schumpter, History of Economic Analysis, p. 90.

The great economist Joseph Schumpeter believed that people are fallible creatures. Because of our fallibility, even the scientific method isn’t entirely objective. Ideology is reflected in, say, a scientist’s (or an economist’s) choice to research one topic instead of another, or the patterns they find (or miss) while interpreting the data:

It embodies the picture of things as we see them, and wherever there is any possible motive for wishing to see them in a given rather than another light, the way in which we see things can hardly be distinguished from the way we wish to see them.

–Joseph Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis, p. 42

Economist Don Boudreaux reminds us that 209 years ago today, the great economic journalist Frédéric Bastiat (1801-1850) was born.  F.A. Hayek in his introduction to some selected Bastiat essays wrote that he was “a publicist of genius” and quoted Joseph Schumpeter ‘s assessment of Bastiat as “the most brilliant economic journalist who ever lived.”

On his birthday, it’s worth rereading some of his most memorable essays, such as “What is seen and what is not seen,” “The broken window,” and the “Petition of the candle makers against the Sun.”

Here’s a short excerpt from “The broken window”:

From which, by generalizing, we arrive at this unexpected conclusion: “Society loses the value of objects unnecessarily destroyed,” and at this aphorism, which will make the hair of the protectionists stand on end: “To break, to destroy, to dissipate is not to encourage national employment,” or more briefly: “Destruction is not profitable.”

Mickey Edwards, former congressman from Oklahoma and guest lecturer at the Harvard School of Government, has written an interesting blog on the case for business leaders moving into politics. To Edwards, operational skills acquired in the private world are not easily translated to the political world:

I do have a problem, however, with the continued promotion of business success as a qualifier for public office. Success in the market is not an automatic disqualifier for public service, but it is a far different undertaking with different purposes and different values.

On this point, Edwards is absolutely correct, but I disagree with his conclusion that:

The business of business is business and the goal of business is to earn a profit in the provision of goods and services.

The goal of business is not merely to profit, but to create value for its shareholders. A firm must balance short and long term goals to produce wealth in both equity appreciation and dividends. How this is achieved depends on the interests of the shareholders. More importantly, the goal is not “profits” but “sustainable profits.” Firms that invest in productivity and new product development do so because they recognize that they live in the Schumpeterian world of creative destruction. Nothing they’re doing today will remain profitable in a decade. The firms who fail to acknowledge this fact do not survive, witnessed in the high turnover of the Fortune 500. The simple profit motive is a short-term, unsustainable notion of business practices.

To be sustainable, corporations must develop and maintain a good reputation with their customers, their employees, their suppliers, their shareholders, and any other group with whom they are economically-linked. The views of these groups can (and do) affect the ability of the firm to remain profitable over time. Moreover, a good reputation is hard to acquire, easy to lose. Considering these motivations, businesses are far more “political” than Edwards recognizes.

Business, however, is not guided by the benevolence Edwards attributes government:

The business of government is service- well managed, one hopes, and not wasteful, but never at a profit. There is no such thing as government money. Governments have no money; they have only what they take from their citizens, either in taxes or by inflation. And if government accrues profit, it can only have done so by taxing too much or eroding the value of the citizens’ income and savings — in either case doing harm, not good, to the people who have created it for the advantages such a common effort is presumed to bestow.

As a former congressman, Edwards certainly knows the appetite of government is infinite. Surplus revenues are never rebated to the taxpayers but spent without oversight on marginal projects. Increased cost of living allowances, earlier retirement programs, pork barrel spending to benefit local special interests. If government actually sought to advance the “public good”, the record would be far different.

Businesses seek maximum efficiency; governments seek sufficient efficiency. We might well save a considerable amount of money by delegating our national security to mercenary armies drawn from other countries (as opposed to keeping a high-cost standing army and paying U.S. wages to private combat zone contractors), thus erasing the need to maintain a perpetual and costly military infrastructure. We could assign the processing of Social Security checks and welfare payments to low-wage workers in Madras or Oaxaca. State governments could close welfare offices and require that all transactions with government be conducted electronically, with no recourse to potentially sympathetic human beings. These are choices governments make reluctantly and businesses make routinely.

This understates the problem. The concept of efficiency requires a metric. For business, it’s “sustainable profitability” whereas government is a grab bag of special programs, each administered by a siloed agency with a “mission” but no responsibility for the general public good.

Business cannot make utopian promises as government frequently does- social security, universal health care, generous cost-of-living increases, a cure for cancer, energy independence, zero pollution. And that lack of a metric can lead nations-and certainly firms- to bankruptcy. The plights of Greece and Illinois, to mention but two, are examples of the need for the “sustainability” virtue that business can offer to politics.

Even agencies with a clear mission- say the Department of Defense – are hindered by the political process and the 435 congressional districts continually second guessing their actions.

Yet, he is right. Those who’ve entered government from business have no great track record. Mitt Romney created a non-sustainable “universal” health care plan in Massachusetts allowing Obama his success at an even less sutainable plan at the federal level. Business doesn’t understand that the competitive forces that disciplined him in the private world are less present and much weaker in politics. Edwards argues that political leaders should ensure that government doesn’t impede profit-making unduly. But they do – and former business leaders freed of the sustainability restraints that made them successful in the private world may exacerbate the problems already extant.

So, in the end, I do find points of agreement with Edwards. The key role of a businessman turned politico would be to reform the institutions – the laws, the regulations, the legal structure – to remove all possible impediments to economic growth. Too few business leaders have ever sought to push for that role in the private sphere when the benefits would have been direct and immediate. Why should we expect them to do so in a world where the benefits would be privatized, the costs political?

Frum, like many intellectuals, suffered from the desire to gain respect from his fellow intellectuals. But, as Schumpeter noted long ago, the class interest of intellectuals is statism.

Schumpeter’s reasoning in “Can Capitalism Survive?” is rooted in envy. Intellectuals would grow envious of the entrepreneurial class – “If we’re so smart and moral, why are they so rich? – and seek to transform envy into theories of de-legitimization. Racism, sexism, environmental destruction, inequalities, exploitation of the developed world along with other associated Robber Baron style rewritings of history are the narratives they develop.

Since the narratives that inform the citizenry of most policy issues are devised and disseminated by intellectuals, the dominant narratives will be anti-capitalist, anti-business, and especially anti-entrepreneurial. That sets the stage for the growth of the state which creates many well-paying niches for intellectuals – mostly on the left, with a few on the right.

That combination of psychological and economic incentives means that most intellectuals see a large and growing government as key to their class interest.

Even conservative intellectuals seek respect from their fellow intellectuals. Intellectuals – having no obvious product save words and media appearances – are often insecure. Since most intellectuals are statists, the David Frums of the world are drawn into that ideology. AEI is not a statist institution – why they put up with him is unclear.

That point is made clear when one considers his defenders. Anne Applebaum’s “he was right” viewpoint is typical. She would have the Republican party follow the lead of David Cameron of the Tory party, endorsing European values, carbon energy rationing, redistribution policies – the whole non-sustainable welfare, regulatory state.

That would be insane.

Over at the Washington Examiner‘s Opinion Zone, I give nanotechnology a Schumpeterian treatment. In the long run, a competitive, cut-throat market process driven by innovation is better for consumers than if government were to fund and direct research:

A nanotech firm that lives mostly off of government grants lives a sheltered, more docile existence. It doesn’t need to come up with new products that save peoples’ lives, or make them better. They just have to be good at getting grants.