SEC

Can a private organization that has been delegated some government regulatory powers claim absolute government immunity against lawsuits when it engages in fraud against those it regulates — even when the fraud is at most distantly related to its regulatory functions? Amazingly enough, an appeals court said yes — a ruling that conflicted with another appeals court’s ruling — and the Supreme Court is now being asked to reverse that decision.

The Competitive Enterprise Institute joined Cato Institute in filing an amicus brief asking the Supreme Court to review that disturbing ruling shielding wrongdoing. The brief, which cites constitutional safeguards and separation-of-powers principles, can be found here. The case is Standard Investment Chartered v. National Association of Securities Dealers (NASD). NASD converted into an entity called FINRA after deceiving regulated members about the terms of the conversion. (FINRA’s CEO was shortly thereafter appointed by President Obama to head the federal Securities and Exchange Commission.)  Cato Institute’s Ilya Shapiro describes the significance of the case here.

Forbes has an interesting article on the case by Edward Siedle. As he puts it:

Should FINRA, the brokerage industry’s self- regulatory organization, have absolute immunity from lawsuits—even when FINRA issues a false and misleading proxy statement to its membership? As a former SEC attorney and owner of a FINRA-member brokerage for more than 20 years, in 2008 I thought the answer to this question was pretty simple. Almost four years later, I’m still waiting to learn whether FINRA is accountable to anyone.

Back in 2008 I was well aware that the degree of control FINRA had over the investing public was both remarkable and disturbing. . . .self-regulation of the brokerage industry involves an inherent and insurmountable conflict of interest. . . Investors pay a heavy price for conflict ridden self-regulation. . .[NASD boasted that] “The NASD has successfully resisted many proposals inimical to the best interests of . . . its members.” Very revealing—no pretense of concern for the nation’s investors in that boastful line.

Despite this unique history of largely unchecked power over investors, as a former securities regulator I figured there were limits to how far this maniacal monster could go. I was confident that if FINRA, an organization responsible under the law with regulating the truth and adequacy of statements by members of the brokerage industry, lied about the terms of a financial transaction, FINRA, like anyone else, would be held liable.

In 2008, my brokerage firm, Benchmark Financial Services, Inc. filed a class action lawsuit against FINRA on behalf of all FINRA-member firms alleging that FINRA had issued a false and misleading proxy statement to its members in connection with the merger of the NASD and NYSE. Also named as a defendant in the suit was its then Chairman and CEO, Mary Schapiro—the current Chairperson of the Securities and Exchange Commission. . .. The lawsuit focuses chiefly on the truth of statements made about a $35,000 payment that was made by the NASD to induce its members – firms such as Benchmark – to vote in favor of the merger of the NASD and NYSE. The merger closed in July 2007 leading to the creation of FINRA. . .. [NASD falsely] stated in the proxy statement that the tax code and the Internal Revenue Service had imposed a $35,000 ceiling on the payment to NASD members in connection with the merger. Through the course of the litigation, I learned that a much higher payment to NASD member firms was not only possible but feasible. In actuality, the NASD did not even receive an IRS ruling with respect to the payment until months after the proxy statement was issued to NASD members. Documents that the NASD subsequently filed with the SEC made it clear that the NASD’s mantra that the tax code imposed a $35,000 limit on the payments to NASD members was simply untrue. The IRS did not issue a private letter ruling to the NASD concerning the payment to members until March 13, 2007, nearly four months after the proxy was issued and nearly two months after the voting had closed. OK—so NASD fabricated the claim that the IRS limited the payment to a maximum of $35,000 . . .. Here’s the killer: The IRS private letter ruling . . . did not provide any specific limitation on the payment to NASD members. Instead it provided a range of permissible payments that would not affect the self-regulatory organization’s tax exempt status.

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American Apparel has started dumping shares, so stock up on your leggings and Ts now.

Explanations are below, if you’ll try for a moment to ignore that arched seductress hawking thigh-highs perched atop your screen. Or the ad below, launched this week, that makes every website Not Safe For Work:

It’s just this kind of presumptive marketing that makes the company seem tawdry and cliched. American Apparel opened its doors in 2003 as an earnest appeal to progressives who believed themselves weary of sweatshop wares.

Those of us who embrace mass production shudder at the money-making alternatives left to women and children in developing nations when “sweatshops” close their doors.

Los Angeles-based, “100% sweatshop-free” atelier American Apparel has been flailing for awhile. Bankruptcy rumors circulated when the clothing company missed SEC and auditors’ deadlines. The company’s financials have been in sharp decline since early 2010:

Explanations for the company’s slide vary.

Many blame Canadian CEO Dov Charney, the hipster’s hipster. Here’s a photo of Charney:

Wouldn’t you like to be clothed by this man? I certainly wouldn’t want to be not clothed by him.

Charney famously fills the AA website and ads with half-naked young men and women in a text and position context that is…suggestive, at best. News stories ask whether the marketing is advertisement at all, or if it’s straight sexual harassment. Employees could ask the same question — isn’t this sexual harassment? — about Charney’s controversial employment practices. Charney rose to fame in part for his focus on brand consistency, hiring and firing employees based on full-length photos alone.

In response to an employee suit in 2005 for sexual harassment when Charney regularly walked around American Apparel offices in his underwear, Charney said at his deposition: “I frequently drop my pants to show people my new product.”

But enough about the controversial chocies a private company makes to garner attention in a competitive market. Mores and morals aside, and all of that. This all-American flagship has been losing upwards of $40 million per quarter for the past year.

American Apparel is marketed as the urban brand, angling for a new American mentality. Perhaps fittingly, the company has been taking hits as dramatic as the House’s turnover to the Republicans last election. This week billionaire major investor Ron Burkle dumped his AA shares, possibly in response to fast-fashion competitor H&M’s announcement that they will move into a major AA demographic, online ordering, by the end of this year. The dump puts Burkle’s interest below 5 percent, which means he no longer has to report his holdings at all.

You know things are bad when even the guy who owns a jet dubbed “Air F*** One” sells out.

What sank American Apparel wasn’t its racy ads or irresponsible employment practices. American Apparel misunderstood what American branding is all about.

Americans are not generous because it’s ironic or funny; we’re generous because we all understand the American Dream. Sure, the American Dream includes being elevated out of sweatshops. But putting in sweat and underpaid time is all part of this. Our nation’s capital runs on unpaid interns’ striving, dreaming, sweat, and time.

AA has been paying employees $20/hour plus vacation time and benefits. Clothing prices reflect that. If all of the economies of the world operated as isolated actors, perhaps those prices would fly.

Happily, we are living in international times and enjoy a global economy. Much of the world benefits enormously from Americans’ “greed” and urge to acquisition. Clothing commodities may trade hands numerous times during their long second life, but more importantly, the market for clothing produced en masse in developing nations is a job boon to their economies and a part of what fuels such an acquisitive market.

American Apparel has not declared bankruptcy, even after repeated quarterly failures to file number on time, and even after laying off $1,500 illegal workers (all paid well above minimum wage) under threat of a federal raid. Yet even as AA skirts the law in so many sex and harassment arenas, it’s clear that people simply won’t reward unclever ads and prices designed to force the square peg of fast garment making into the round hole of a living wage.

What is most certainly bankrupt is the idea that a company (much less a government!) can somehow negate the law of supply and demand.

I’m a bit late getting to this, but an SEC “Order Approving Proposed Rule Change Relating to the Restated Certificate of Incorporation of Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, Inc.” pushed the 2010 Federal Register to the 40,000 page mark on Tuesday.

The Federal Register’s page growth has been accelerating as the year has progressed. It is currently on pace for 76,536 pages. That’s about 2,000 pages more than the Bush administration’s average. In January, the projected page count was only 63,187 pages.

Earlier in the year, an average day’s volume contained 278 pages. Now it’s up to 306 pages per day. As new rules hit the books as required by the health care bill, the financial regulation bill, and other legislation, the pace could pick up further. And if Democrats lose control of Congress, we can expect a very busy lame duck session.

The Code of Federal Regulations already weighs in at 157,000 pages. It will probably be pushing 160,000 before too long.

The CEO of Goldman Sachs, the Wall Street firm accused of fraud by the SEC, has endorsed the so-called financial “reform” bill backed by President Obama and congressional leaders.

The bill would enrich Goldman Sachs at the expense of taxpayers and smaller competitors.  While the bill contains lots of red tape and fees that will harm insurance policyholders and Main Street, it contains selective “carve-outs” from consumer-protection laws for cronies of Senator Chris Dodd.  Dodd recently attracted criticism for financial and ethical lapses, such as his receiving “a sweetheart deal on an Irish “cottage” from a crooked stock-trader” and “two preferential discount mortgage interest deals from the now-bankrupt Countrywide.”  Goldman Sachs is the fourth-largest donor to Democratic campaigns, ranking just below public-employee unions and trial lawyers in its massive support for liberal politicians.

The financial bill contains goodies for Big Labor and “too big to fail” banks and financial institutions, at the expense of taxpayers and competing firms.

As journalist Matt Welch notes, Obama “is lying his face off about financial reform.”

Obama has collected millions from Wall Street special interests, his administration contains many Wall Street lobbyists, and he supported the unnecessary $700 billion bank bailout.  But now, he’s pushing a deceptive financial regulation bill with phony rhetoric about “reform,” claiming it is “not legitimate” to point out that the bill could lead to yet more bailouts and government takeovers.

Obama’s legislation would do nothing to rein in the worst offenders behind the mortgage crisis, the government-subsidized mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, while enriching left-wing lobbying groups and community organizers, and giving the government the permanent ability to bail out and take over Wall Street firms.

Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary, tax cheat Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.” Worse, the Obama administration lifted the $400 billion limit on bailouts for Fannie and Freddie, so that they could continue to buy up junky mortgages at taxpayer expense, and showered their executives with $42 million in compensation.  The Obama administration is now expanding the bailouts of these mortgage giants so that they can lavish pay on their CEOs and reduce the payments of deadbeat mortgage borrowers.  (At the direction of the Obama administration, Freddie Mac is now running up $30 billion in losses to bail out mortgage borrowers, some of whom have high incomes.  Federal regulators sought to make Freddie Mac hide the resulting losses from the SEC and the public.)

Fannie and Freddie helped spawn the mortgage crisis by acting as loan toilets, buying up risky mortgages and thus creating an artificial market for junk.  “From the time Fannie and Freddie began buying risky loans as early as 1993, they routinely misrepresented the mortgages they were acquiring, reporting them as prime when they had characteristics that made them clearly subprime.”

Why did they buy these risky loans?  They put up with Clinton-era affordable-housing regulations that required them to buy up lots of risky loans, in order to curry favor on Capitol Hill and thus retain their annual $10 billion in tax and other special privileges (which they possessed owing to their status as “Government-Sponsored Enterprises” or GSEs). They paid their CEOs millions in the process, and engaged in massive accounting fraud — $6.3 billion at Fannie Mae alone — to increase the size of their managers’ bonuses.  As GSEs, they were exempt from the capital requirements that apply to private banks, so they did not have enough reserves to cover their losses when their mortgages started defaulting.

Banking expert Peter J. Wallison, who prophetically warned against the risky practices of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for years, says that Obama’s proposals will lead to “bailouts forever” and give big, politically-connected banks that are “too big to fail” the ability to drive smaller rivals out of business at the expense of consumers and taxpayers.  His colleague Alex Pollock notes that Obama has not lived up his administration’s claims that it would back reform of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

Obama claims that it will not lead to more bailouts, but even congressional Democrats admit that it will.  As Congressman Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) admitted, the “bill has unlimited executive bailout authority. . .The bill contains permanent, unlimited bailout authority.”

Government pressure on banks to make loans in economically-depressed neighborhoods was another key reason for the mortgage meltdown and the financial crisis.  If Obama has his way, that pressure will increase.  The House earlier approved Obama’s proposal to create a politically-correct entity called the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”  It would do so without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness, even though the Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.

Obama’s proposed financial regulations would also harm retail banking operations used by middle-class people and small businesses.

Richard Morrison, Jeremy Lott, and Jerry Brito bring you Episode 90 of the LibertyWeek podcast. We take a look at immigration in Arizona, expanding finance regulations, myths about green energy, porn at the SEC and Jerry’s Mercatus Center technology project, Surprisingly Free.

There are plenty of problems with the financial “reform” bill, but the media aren’t interested in that.  They’re much more interested in revelations that senior enforcement staff at the federal Securities and Exchange Commission, which would gain new powers under the bill, spent many hours looking at porn on their office computers.

The porn issue certainly deserves some attention, given just how much time some SEC staff wasted looking at porn at taxpayers’ expense: “A senior attorney at the SEC’s Washington headquarters spent up to eight hours a day looking at and downloading pornography. When he ran out of hard drive space, he burned the files to CDs or DVDs, which he kept in boxes around his office.”  You have to wonder if this kind of inattention to its duties led the SEC to ignore the $50 billion fraud by Bernard Madoff, which was repeatedly brought to its attention to no avail, and the multi-billion dollar Ponzi scheme committed by Robert Allen Stanford.  But it probably didn’t.

While the media, including the New York Times, has reported on the porn, it has largely ignored substantive criticism of the financial “reform” bill, which is a Trojan horse that would reinforce risky practices that led to the housing bubble, while ignoring needed reforms, harming insurance policyholders, and giving executive branch officials arbitrary power to bail out or take over banks and financial institutions.

As journalist Matt Welch notes, Obama “is lying his face off about financial reform.”

President Obama has collected millions from Wall Street special interests, his administration contains many Wall Street lobbyists, and he supported the unnecessary $700 billion bank bailout.  But now, he’s pushing a deceptive financial regulation bill with phony rhetoric about “reform,” claiming it is “not legitimate” to point out that the bill could lead to yet more bailouts and government takeovers (as economists and banking experts like Peter Wallison have demonstrated).

Obama’s legislation would do nothing to rein in the worst offenders behind the mortgage crisis, the government-subsidized mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, even as it would enrich the politically-connected liberal Wall Street firm Goldman Sachs (recently accused of fraud), enrich left-wing lobbying groups and community organizers, and give the government the permanent ability to bail out and take over Wall Street firms.

Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary, tax cheat Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.” Worse, the Obama administration lifted the $400 billion limit on bailouts for Fannie and Freddie, so that they could continue to buy up junky mortgages at taxpayer expense, and showered their executives with $42 million in compensation.  The Obama administration is now expanding the bailouts of these mortgage giants so that they can lavish pay on their CEOs and reduce the payments of deadbeat mortgage borrowers.  (At the direction of the Obama administration, Freddie Mac is now running up $30 billion in lossesto bail out mortgage borrowers, some of whom have high incomes.  Federal regulators sought to make Freddie Mac hide the resulting losses from the SEC and the public.)

Fannie and Freddie helped spawn the mortgage crisis by acting as loan toilets, buying up risky mortgages and thus creating an artificial market for junk.  “From the time Fannie and Freddie began buying risky loans as early as 1993, they routinely misrepresented the mortgages they were acquiring, reporting them as prime when they had characteristics that made them clearly subprime.”

Why did they buy these risky loans?  They put up with Clinton-era affordable-housing regulations that required them to buy up lots of risky loans, in order to curry favor on Capitol Hill and thus retain their annual $10 billion in tax and other special privileges (which they possessed owing to their status as “Government-Sponsored Enterprises” or GSEs). They paid their CEOs millions in the process, and engaged in massive accounting fraud — $6.3 billion at Fannie Mae alone — to increase the size of their managers’ bonuses.  As GSEs, they were exempt from the capital requirements that apply to private banks, so they did not have enough reserves to cover their losses when their mortgages started defaulting.

Banking expert Peter J. Wallison, who prophetically warned against the risky practices of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for years, says that Obama’s proposals will lead to “bailouts forever” and give big, politically-connected banks that are “too big to fail” the ability to drive smaller rivals out of business at the expense of consumers and taxpayers.  His colleague Alex Pollock notes that Obama has not lived up his Administration’s claims that it would back reform of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

Obama claims that it will not lead to more bailouts, but even congressional Democrats admit that it will.  As Congressman Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) admitted, the “bill has unlimited executive bailout authority. . .The bill contains permanent, unlimited bailout authority.”

Government pressure on banks to make loans in economically-depressed neighborhoods was another key reason for the mortgage meltdown and the financial crisis.  If Obama has his way, that pressure will increase.  The House earlier approved Obama’s proposal to create a politically-correct entity called the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”  It would do so without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness, even though the Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.

Obama’s proposed financial regulations would also harm retail banking operations used by middle-class people and small businesses.

The Obama administration and Congressional leaders are pushing a trojan-horse financial “reform” bill that would enrich the wealthy and powerful investment bank Goldman Sachs, which was recently cited for massive fraud by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).  That’s the discovery of John Berlau, who won the National Press Club’s Sandy Hume Memorial Award for exposing the conflicts of interest of a former IRS Commissioner.

Earlier, the administration used the AIG bailout to give billions in legally unnecessary payments to Goldman Sachs, which is so rich that it has admitted it didn’t even need the money.  Goldman Sachs, one of the Democratic Party’s biggest donors, is using its political connections to reap record profits.

Moreover, Obama’s legislation would do nothing to rein in the worst offenders behind the mortgage crisis, the government-subsidized mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, even as it would give the government the permanent ability to bail out Wall Street firms.

Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.” Worse, the Obama administration lifted the $400-billion limit on bailouts for Fannie and Freddie, so that they could continue to buy up junky mortgages at taxpayer expense, and showered their executives with $42 million in compensation.

The administration is now expanding the bailouts of these mortgage giants, which are now giving lavish pay to their CEOs and reducing the payments of deadbeat mortgage borrowers.  (At the direction of the Obama administration, Freddie Mac is now running up $30 billion in losses to bail out mortgage borrowers, some of whom have high incomes.  Federal regulators sought to make Freddie Mac hide the resulting losses from the SEC and the public).

Fannie and Freddie helped spawn the mortgage crisis by acting as loan toilets, buying up risky mortgages and thus creating an artificial market for junk.  “From the time Fannie and Freddie began buying risky loans as early as 1993, they routinely misrepresented the mortgages they were acquiring, reporting them as prime when they had characteristics that made them clearly subprime.”

Why did they buy these risky loans?  They put up with Clinton-era affordable-housing regulations that required them to buy up lots of risky loans, in order to curry favor on Capitol Hill and thus retain their annual $10 billion in tax and other special privileges (which they possessed owing to their status as “Government-Sponsored Enterprises” or GSEs). They paid their CEOs millions in the process, and engaged in massive accounting fraud — $6.3 billion at Fannie Mae alone — to increase the size of their managers’ bonuses.  As GSEs, they were exempt from the capital requirements that apply to private banks, so they did not have enough reserves to cover their losses when their mortgages started defaulting.

Banking expert Peter J. Wallison, who prophetically warned against the risky practices of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for years, says that Obama’s proposals will lead to “bailouts forever” and give big, politically connected banks that are “too big to fail” the ability to drive smaller rivals out of business at the expense of consumers and taxpayers.  His colleague Alex Pollock notes that Obama has not lived up his administration’s claims that it would back reform of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

Government pressure on banks to make loans in economically-depressed neighborhoods was another key reason for the mortgage meltdown and the financial crisis.  If Obama has his way, that pressure will increase.  The House earlier approved Obama’s proposal to create a Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”  It would do so without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness, even though the Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.

Earlier, the Washington Post reported on how the Obama administration pressured Freddie Mac not to disclose to investors and the SEC the $30 billion in losses it was incurring as a result of Obama’s mortgage bailouts for undeserving (including high-income) borrowers.

Now, Bloomberg News reports that then-Federal Reserve Bank head (and now Treasury Secretary) “Timothy Geithner, told American International Group Inc. to withhold details from the public about the bailed-out insurer’s payments to banks during the depths of the financial crisis,” and to hide them from the SEC in its SEC filings.  Such conduct is not too surprising coming from Geithner, a sanctimonious and hypocritical tax cheat.  Geithner also used the government’s bailout of AIG to pay billions of dollars to the wealthy Wall Street investment firm of Goldman Sachs, money that it neither needed to stay afloat, nor was legally entitled to.

Earlier this year, Freddie Mac’s CFO killed himself amidst a sea of red ink, as the administration forced Freddie to run up losses on mortgage bailouts, even though economists and real estate experts have criticized those bailouts as harmful to the economy.  Now, the Obama administration is making Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae deliberately run up losses on bailouts and buying up risky loans, even though the government took over Fannie and Freddie in 2008 in the name of ending their risky practices.  It is rewarding their executives for carrying out such terrible policies by showering them with multimillion dollar pay.

The mortgage crisis was caused partly by the reckless government-sponsored mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and partly by the affordable-housing mandates imposed on them.

But Obama’s proposed financial rules overhaul does absolutely nothing about the risky practices of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, admits Obama’s Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, even though he admits that “Fannie and Freddie were a core part of what went wrong in our system.”

Instead, it pressures banks to make even more risky loans.  The House has approved Obama’s proposal to create a politically-correct entity called the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. “The agency would be in charge of enforcing the Community Reinvestment Act, a law that prods banks to make loans in low-income communities.”  The Community Reinvestment Act was a key contributor to the financial crisis.  But the administration’s proposal would direct the new agency to enforce the Community Reinvestment Act without regard for banks’ financial safety and soundness.

The members of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB), an agency being challenged in the Supreme Court on December 7, aren’t appointed by the president, nor can he remove them. The General Accounting Office describes the PCAOB as “an independent board with sweeping powers and authority;” its rules and red tape cost the economy billions of dollars every year (with an long-term cost of perhaps $1 trillion).

Yet the government suggests in its brief that the president has “fully effective control” over the PCAOB (see pg. 46 of that brief). That’s not the only peculiar claim made in the PCAOB’s defense.

The case raises the issue of whether members of an agency — the PCAOB — picked by the members of yet another independent agency — the five Commissioners of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) acting as a group — are, in light of their broad policy making role, actually “principal officers” who thus should have been picked instead by the president under the Constitution’s Appointments Clause. Alternatively, assuming that PCAOB members are mere “inferior” officers, the case raises the issue of whether they should have been picked, as the Appointments Clause requires for inferior officers, by the “Head” of a “Department,” rather than the SEC Commissioners acting collectively (the SEC has a Chairman who manages it and supervises its staff).

Government lawyers argue that the PCAOB is so controlled by the SEC that its members are mere inferior officers, and claim that the SEC is headed by all its Commissioners, not its Chairman. But as Jonathan Moore has noted, a long-time SEC commissioner debunked these claims on December 3. Former SEC Commissioner Paul Atkins took the exact opposite view, in a panel discussion at the American Enterprise Institute, which one can view and listen to here (Atkins was the fifth speaker; I also spoke at the event, and Jonathan Moore, who was in the audience, questioned the panel).

Atkins spoke at length about the PCAOB and how difficult it was for the SEC to influence the PCAOB. He noted that the PCAOB had enough autonomy to frustrate the SEC’s attempts at oversight. When the SEC sought a business plan from the PCAOB, the PCAOB Chairman said that “the statute was his business plan” and more or less failed to comply. It took five years to get something akin to a business plan from the PCAOB. Atkins said that PCAOB’s “Audit Standard 2” “has a very checkered history” and illustrated the “limits” of SEC oversight. The 400 pages of requirements from Auditing Standard No. 2 made compliance with Sarbanes-Oxley “very difficult” and “very costly.”

Atkins noted that “All five commissioners” were in favor of “radical” changes to it, yet it took years for them to obtain merely “some” changes to that audit standard, owing to the need for consensus and PCAOB foot dragging. He recounted how the PCAOB adopts “staff-driven” rules through “informal rulemaking” that apply without being approved by the SEC, regardless of Sarbanes-Oxley’s formal approval process for rules. Atkins says, for example, that its guidance regarding “stock options” was “not subject to any rule at all,” despite functioning in practice as a rule. While the SEC has to approve formal rules, the PCAOB functions heavily through informal rules never approved by the SEC. He said that “Peekaboo does have real power,” “investigative power,” and “prosecutorial power.” Although the SEC theoretically reviews the PCAOB’s budget, Atkins noted that “staff at Peekaboo were not telling the truth” about the PCAOB’s budget system to the SEC, making evaluation of its budget and spending difficult. He noted that on the SEC’s website, there is video footage of his concerns over this at the last budget meeting. He noted that because of the PCAOB’s separate status and the SEC’s lack of control over PCAOB staff, the “SEC found it didn’t really have the authority” to control the PCAOB’s budget that it supposedly did.

Atkins noted that the SEC’s “power is not plenary” over the PCAOB, that it was difficult to get a group consensus focused on oversight over the PCAOB, and that oversight of the PCAOB was “like pushing on a string.” He said that the current set-up under Sarbanes-Oxley is a “very difficult way for the SEC to oversee a separate board.” He cited “flawed implementation of [SOX Section] 404” from 2002 to 2006 as an example, and noted the “incredible amount of attention diverted” to accounting issues that were not important as a result of the PCAOB’s internal-controls rules.

He addressed the question of whether the SEC’s chairman is its head for appointments clause purposes. He said that the Founders realized the “committee structure” or the “committee system was not a very effective decision making type of body” for things like appointments, and cited the 1950 Reorganization Plan 10 that vested “authority over the budget” and “HR decisions” in the SEC’s chairman. Although he noted that “consensus” is desired for key posts like the General Counsel, when push comes to shove, “in reality, he [the Chairman] can still appoint who he wants.” He said that the idea that PCAOB members – or even SEC members – were really accountable to the president was silly, and that the SEC’s own history “illustrates how difficult it is for the President to assert authority” over the SEC, much less the PCAOB.

Atkins’ observations debunk the government’s suggestion that the president has “fully effective control” over the SEC – and the lower court ruling upholding the PCAOB, which claimed that the SEC was not headed by its Chairman, but by SEC Commissioners as a group – a claim based on that court’s inconsistent reasoning. Law professor Donna Nagy similarly debunks claims that the PCAOB is “heavily controlled” by the SEC in a forthcoming article in the Pittsburgh Law Review, noting that PCAOB members are “principal officers” “acting with significant discretion and autonomy outside the SEC’s control” who constitutionally must be appointed by the president — not, as is currently the case, by the SEC Commissioners as a group.

Also available online is the text of SEC Commissioner Paul Atkins’s earlier 2006 speech noting the SEC’s limited ability to control the PCAOB (such as the PCAOB’s unapproved guidance on subjects like “options grants” and the PCAOB chair’s view that the PCAOB is more like the SEC’s “cousin” than its subordinate).

Courts sometimes take judicial notice of such statements. See Nebraska v. EPA, 331 F.3d 995, 998 n.3 (D.C. Cir. 2003) (taking judicial notice of statements on web site); Cf. Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, 551 U.S. 701, 780 n. 30 (2006) (Thomas, J., concurring) (quoting from web site); id. at 730, n.14 (plurality) (citing news articles about website’s earlier content).

On December 7, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board. The case, brought by CEI and Jones Day attorneys on behalf of the Free Enterprise Fund, challenges the constitutionality of the way Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (also known as PCAOB, or not so affectionately as Peekaboo) members are appointed. The PCAOB, which was established by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, is an independent governmental agency (according to Sarbanes-Oxley it is a private institution, but even supporters of the Board’s structure admit that it is a governmental body) whose members are selected by the SEC commissioners collectively. The lawyers arguing the case argue that this selection process violates the appointments clause of the Constitution.

The Constitution, in Article 2 sec. 2, establishes that the President “Shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate to… nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.”

According to the Constitution, the President is responsible for appointing what has later been defined as “principal officers.” Further, if the officers are deemed to be “inferior officers,” Congress may give appointment power to the President, a judge, or the head of a department. Lawyers for the Free Enterprise Fund charge that regardless of whether the PCAOB members are principal or inferior, the Constitution has been violated. The President does not appoint the board members, and as such, if they are principal officers, the Constitution has been violated. If the board members, however, are inferior officers, they have not been appointed by a head of a department, rather, they have been appointed by the SEC commissioners.

Lawyers defending the constitutionality of the PCAOB have charged that the board members are inferior officers, and that the SEC commissioners collectively are the head of the SEC. Further, they claim that the SEC has complete control over the PCAOB through several powers, including the power to review all PCAOB rules, and approving the PCAOB’s budget. As such, they argue, this direct supervisory authority makes the PCAOB clear inferior officers, and since the President has control over the SEC commissioners, who have control over the PCAOB, the President has “fully effective control” over the PCAOB.

Yesterday, however, at an American Enterprise Institute event titled “Public Company Accounting Oversight Board: A Preview”, former SEC Commissioner (2002-2008) Paul Atkins provided an alternative story of the SEC’s control over the PCAOB, as well as refuting the claim that the SEC commissioners are collectively the head of the SEC.

Atkins noted several areas in which the PCAOB managed to evade SEC controls and operate very independently of the SEC. First, he stated that the PCAOB’s budget was not nearly as under control by the SEC as has been claimed. Atkins stated that the “staff at Peekaboo were not telling the truth” to the SEC about the PCAOB’s budget. His experience at the SEC led him to the conclusion that the SEC “didn’t really have the authority it supposedly did” over the PCAOB’s budget.

At one point, the SEC asked the PCAOB for a business plan regarding their operations. The PCAOB chairman informed the SEC that Sarbanes-Oxley “was his business plan” and for five years the PCAOB evaded the SEC’s demand for a business plan.

After the PCAOB produced their “Audit Standard 2”, “all five” SEC commissioners were in favor of “radical” changes to it, and yet it took the SEC years to even make “some” changes to the auditing standards due in part to PCAOB recalcitrance.

He stated that the PCAOB used “informal rulemaking” to adopt “staff-driven” rules which evaded the need to obtain SEC approval for all rules. As an example, he says that the PCAOB’s rule making regarding stock options was “not subject to any rule at all” despite functioning as a rule.

Atkins directly refuted the claim that the SEC has plenary power over the PCAOB, stating bluntly that the SEC’s “power is not plenary” regarding the PCAOB. He even said that a good analogy for SEC oversight of the PCAOB was that of “pushing on a string”.

Atkins also implied that considering the SEC commissioners as a collective head for the SEC was ignoring the realities of the day-to-day operation of the SEC. He stated that the chairman has considerably more power than the other commissioners. He noted that the 1950 Reorganization Plan 10 gave “authority over the budget” and “HR decisions” to the SEC’s chairman. He did say that consensus among the commissioners is generally important, but said that “in reality, he can still appoint whoever he wants” to critical appointment posts. And yet, this does not apply to the PCAOB, who are appointed collectively by the SEC. Further, Atkins even questioned whether or not the President had direct power over the SEC, a lynchpin of the defenders of the SEC’s argument. He stated that the SEC’s history “illustrates how difficult it is for the President to assert authority” over the SEC, much less the PCAOB.

Atkins’ telling of the SEC and PCAOB’s relationship calls much of the PCAOB’s legal defense into question. If the SEC lacks reliable control over the PCAOB, how can the President have “fully effective control” over the PCAOB? If, one wonders, the SEC chairman is treated as the appointer for other positions within the SEC, which implies that he is the head of the department, why is it that he does not have the power to appoint the PCAOB members? And why is the SEC chairman sufficiently powerful to act as the head in all other appointment cases, but when it comes to the PCAOB he must act as an equal to his fellow commissioners? And further, if the President lacks even control over the SEC, how can he truly have control over the PCAOB members, who are an additional step further down the chain of command?

These are some questions the justices should be asking on December 7.