sexual harassment

A Connecticut legislator is seeking to restrict the speech of employers on “religious or political” topics in pending legislation  (House Bill 5460). The bill reads, “No employer, and no . . . representative . . . of such employer, shall require its employees to attend an employer-sponsored meeting with the employer or its agent, representative or designee, the primary purpose of which is to communicate the employer’s opinion concerning religious or political matters.” This content-based regulation of speech violates the First Amendment by singling out political and religious speech for special restrictions.

Employers have free speech rights even in the labor-union context, where free speech protections are at their weakest for employers under the Gissel line of cases. For example, the federal appeals courts have ruled that the First Amendment protected a manager telling his subordinates that they lost benefits by voting for a union (Roper Corp. v. NLRB (1983)), and an employer’s assertion that unionization, by increasing costs, might lead to a plant’s closing in the future (NLRB v. Douglas Division (1978)), even though these statements were very offensive to pro-union employees. These rulings apply with added force to core political and religious speech.

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Once again ruling against America’s employers, the Supreme Court Monday broadened the reach of the 1964 Civil Rights Act’s ban on retaliation. It overturned a federal appeals court ruling against a worker who claimed he suffered unlawful retaliation for complaining about discrimination, when a business allegedly fired his fiancée.

As Ed Whelan notes, the Supreme Court’s unanimous decision in Thompson v. North American Stainless abrogated “all four” of the federal appeals court rulings on the subject, all of which had ruled in favor of the employer in similar cases. Indeed, the Supreme Court took a more expansive view of workers’ ability to sue businesses than 18 “of the 25 appellate judges to address the issue,” including even “Carter and Clinton appointees” like Judge Diana Murphy, who “decided it in favor of the employer.”

This is part of a long line of rulings against employers by the Supreme Court, which is not pro-business at all, contrary to the false claims of many liberal reporters who cover the Supreme Court. Many of these rulings against employers, like Lewis v. Chicago (2010), have been unanimous reversals of lower court decisions.

Slate’s Dahlia Lithwick falsely claimed in 2009 that in the Supreme Court, “big business always prevails, environmentalists are always buried, female and elderly workers go unprotected, death row inmates get the needle, and criminal defendants are shown the door.”

That false claim contradicts reality. Over the last dozen years, the death penalty has been dramatically cut back in cases like Roper v. Simmons (2005), as the Supreme Court has invalidated the death penalty when imposed on the “retarded” (even the mildly retarded) or juveniles (even 16 to 18 year-olds), or when imposed by judges rather than juries (as state laws long provided).

The Supreme Court tossed out thousands of sentences given to criminal defendants through decisions like U.S. v. Booker (2005) and Blakely v. Washington, based not on defendants’ innocence, but rather on the mere fact that judges, rather than juries, had made findings related to their sentences. The supposedly “right-wing” justices Roberts, Scalia, and Thomas joined in these decisions.

Environmentalists have won many cases, including one of the most economically-significant decisions ever — Massachusetts v. EPA (2007) — which arguably opened the door to EPA regulation of virtually every human activity, on the grounds that virtually all activity (from industrial production to farming to cars) emits carbon dioxide. That decision also created a special rule of standing to allow state attorneys general to bring lawsuits that would otherwise be thrown out as meritless for lack of standing.

The Supreme Court allowed businesses to be sued even for products the FDA deems to be safe and effective, in Wyeth v. Levine (2009), in a ruling that legal commentator Ted Frank called the most anti-business decision in 43 years.

The Supreme Court has repeatedly broadened employers’ liability for discrimination against women. It continuously expanded the definition of sexual harassment: it overturned earlier limits on vicarious liability (in Faragher v. Boca Raton (1998)), allowed institutions to be sued based on the acts of non-employees (in Davis v. Monroe County (1999)), and rejected limits on lawsuits where there is no economic or psychological harm (Harris v. Forklift Systems (1993)). All these rulings overturned lower court judgments against plaintiffs. The Supreme Court also made it easier for older workers to sue over unintentional discrimination, even after settling with their employer.

Thus, Dahlia Lithwick’s depiction of the Supreme Court bore no relation to reality. But similarly false depictions are peddled by court reporters at publications like the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times, fostering a misleading image of the Supreme Court.

American law has moved in a leftward direction over the last 20 years, steadily restricting use of the death penalty and criminal sentencing, and expanding lawsuits against businesses, thanks largely to the Supreme Court.

But to some left-leaning journalists who write about the Supreme Court, none of this has ever happened, and the Supreme Court, which is responsible for many of these liberal changes, remains a conservative boogeyman.

Slate‘s Dahlia Lithwick, America’s most famous Supreme Court reporter, writes today that in the Supreme Court, “big business always prevails, environmentalists are always buried, female and elderly workers go unprotected, death row inmates get the needle, and criminal defendants are shown the door.”

This is breathtakingly inconsistent with reality. Over the last dozen years, the death penalty has been dramatically cut back in cases like Roper v. Simmons (2005), as the Supreme Court has invalidated the death penalty when imposed on the “retarded” (even the mildly retarded) or juveniles (even 16 to 18 year-olds), or when imposed by judges rather than juries (as state laws long provided).

The Supreme Court overturned thousands of sentences given to criminal defendants in cases like U.S. v. Booker (2005), based not on their guilt or innocence, but on the fact that judges, rather than juries, had made findings related to those sentences (the so-called Booker/Apprendi line of cases). The supposedly “right-wing” justices Roberts, Scalia, and Thomas joined in these decisions.

Environmentalists won many cases, including perhaps the most economically-significant decision ever — Massachusetts v. EPA (2003) — which potentially opened the door to EPA regulation of virtually every human activity, on the grounds that virtually all activity (from industrial production to farming to cars) emits carbon dioxide and thus allegedly causes global warming. That decision also created a special rule of standing to allow state attorneys general to bring lawsuits that would otherwise be thrown out as meritless for lack of standing.

The Supreme Court recently allowed businesses to be sued even for products the FDA deems to be safe and effective, in Wyeth v. Levine (2009).

The Supreme Court progressively expanded businesses’ liability for discrimination against female and elderly workers. It continuously expanded the definition of sexual harassment, overturning earlier limits on vicarious liability (in Faragher v. Boca Raton (1998)), allowing institutions to be sued based on the acts of non-employees (in Davis v. Monroe County (1999)), and rejecting longstanding lower-court limits on lawsuits where there is no economic or psychological harm (in Harris v. Forklift Systems (1993)). It also allowed businesses to be sued for discrimination against elderly workers even absent any showing of discriminatory intent or differential treatment (in Smith v. Jackson (2005)). All of these decisions reversed lower court rulings in favor of businesses.

In short, Dahlia Lithwick’s perception of the Supreme Court bears no relation to reality. But it is shared by most of the nation’s leading court reporters, at publications like the New York Times, the Washington Post, USA Today, and the Los Angeles Times, who promote a similar caricature of the Supreme Court.

As a result of such reporters ceaselessly peddling this perspective to their readers, it is also the perception of much of the newspaper-reading public, especially in the so-called Blue States, many of whom view the Supreme Court as “too conservative.”

For example, factually inaccurate and dishonest reporting on recent Supreme Court decisions also contributed to recent election results.

A classic example is the Supreme Court’s recent Ledbetter decision, which many reporters wrongly claimed required discrimination plaintiffs to sue within a rigid 180-day deadline — when in fact, most pay discrimination cases could legally be brought for at least 3 years after the discrimination allegedly occurred, under laws unaffected by the Supreme Court’s decision (like the Equal Pay Act), and the 180-day deadline, even when applicable, had lots of common-sense exceptions to keep employers from escaping justice (such as tolling to protect hoodwinked employees)

(Regardless of whether the death penalty is good or bad, it is very clear that it is not unconstitutional).

Can you sue your employer because your co-workers listen to raunchy radio programs?

A federal appeals court is reconsidering its 2008 ruling that you can. The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals’ decision in Reeves v. C.H. Robinson Worldwide said you could do so, under the dubious theory that it is “sexual harassment” that’s “based on” your sex. But on May 29, it voted to rehear that case.

U.C.L.A. Law Professor Eugene Volokh criticized the decision on First Amendment grounds, while I criticized the April 2008 ruling as being inconsistent with the language of the discrimination laws and the Eleventh Circuit’s own past rulings, and a threat to the media and freedom of the press in the long run. (Overly-broad interpretations of sexual harassment law are already being used to restrict a wide array of speech, as Professor Volokh, a First Amendment expert and former Supreme Court clerk, has chronicled).

Courts sometimes engage in inconsistent legal reasoning to impose liability and maximize damages in sexual harassment cases, and they sometimes disregard the statutory requirements (see, e.g., 42 USC 1981a) that harassment plaintiffs seeking compensatory damages show that they were harassed based on their sex, and subjected to intentional discrimination.

I don’t like raunchy radio programs, but that doesn’t mean the government should ban listening to them, much less do so under the weak argument that they constitute sex discrimination.

The April 2008 decision in Reeves v. C.H. Robinson Worldwide, 525 F.3d 1139 (11th Cir. 2008), was inconsistent with at least two of the Eleventh Circuit’s own past decisions: Baldwin v. Blue Cross, which defined sexual harassment as being a form of disparate treatment — not disparate impact — and Cross v. Alabama, which said that in the Eleventh Circuit (unlike some other circuits), discriminatory INTENT is required for a Title VII sexual harassment claim.

In Cross v. Alabama, 49 F.3d 1490, 1507-08 (11th Cir. 1995), the Eleventh Circuit held that “the elements of the two causes of action [sexual harassment claims under Title VII and the Fourteenth Amendment] are the same” in the Eleventh Circuit (unlike some other circuits), meaning that a sexual harassment plaintiff “must prove discriminatory motive or purpose.”

The Supreme Court has made clear that the fact that a woman is adversely affected, and that an employer knows this, is not enough to satisfy this exacting standard of showing a discriminatory purpose unless the employer intends to treat the female employee differently: “’Discriminatory purpose,’ however, implies more than intent as volition or intent as awareness of consequences. . .It implies that the decisionmaker . . . selected or reaffirmed a particular course of action at least in part ‘because of,’ not merely ‘in spite of,’ its adverse effects upon an identifiable group.” Personnel Administrator of Massachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 279 (1979).

Thus, for the plaintiff to prevail, she must show that her co-workers aimed offensive comments at her based on her sex (or broadcast the offensive comments specifically to annoy her based on her sex), not just that she was reasonably offended by them and that they were pervasive.

“Title VII does not prohibit profanity alone, however profane. It does not prohibit harassment alone, however severe and pervasive. Instead, Title VII prohibits discrimination, including harassment that discriminates based on a protected category such as sex. Because a claim of sexual harassment under Title VII is a claim of disparate treatment, in order to prevail a plaintiff must show that similarly situated persons not of her sex were treated differently and better.” Baldwin v. Blue Cross, 480 F.3d 1287, 1301-02 (11th Cir. 2007); see also Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211 (Cal. 2006) (sexual jokes not aimed at plaintiff did not support her sexual harassment claim).

Even if Title VII reached “disparate impact,” and even if provisions like 42 USC 1981a did not bar compensatory damages in such cases, it would still be a mistake to automatically equate raunchy language or discussions of sex with discrimination based on sex.

Assuming that sexual speech is disproportionately offensive to female employees and thus has a “disparate impact” on them — as many sexual harassment rulings do — raises serious equal-protection problems, since it rests on a gender stereotype. In striking down a statute banning “obscene, profane, indecent, vulgar, or suggestive” communications to women, a court observed that laws “based on ‘old notions’ such as a belief that females should be afforded special protection from ‘rough talk’ because of their perceived ’special sensitivities’ can no longer withstand equal protection scrutiny.” See In re Joseph T., 430 S.E.2d 523, 524 (S.C. 1993). Federal employment laws should not be interpreted broadly when doing so would raise serious constitutional issues. (See NLRB v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago, 440 U.S. 490, 499-501 (1979); Edward J. DeBartolo v. Fla. Gulf Coast Building & Constr. Trades Council, 485 U.S. 568, 575 (1988) (limiting law’s reach to avoid potential free speech problem)).

Moreover, treating raunchy language that offends a single female employee ignores limits contained in “disparate impact” law itself. Disparate impact claims typically require proof that an employer practice systematically excludes female or minority employees, and can’t be based on the impact on just one employee or a small number of employees. See Coe v. Yellow Freight, 646 F.2d 444 (10th Cir. 1981). Sexual harassment cases typically involve just a single plaintiff, who sometimes sues even if other employees of the same gender are perfectly happy with their workplace, or if there are no other employees of her gender in the workplace. In Reeves, the plaintiff seems to have been the only female employee adversely affected by the conduct she recounted.

An employer that fails to prevent sexual or vulgar discussions in the workplace should not be held liable simply because female employees overhear them and claim to be disproportionately offended by them. Some judges seem to grasp this rule, and do not allow sexual harassment claims to be brought just because the plaintiff was offended by sexual or vulgar speech. See, e.g., Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211 (Cal. 2006); Scusa v. Nestle U.S.A., Inc., 181 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 1998); Hocevar v. Purdue Frederick Co., 223 F.3d 721, 737 (8th Cir. 2000); Duncan v. Denver, 397 F.3d 1300 (10th Cir. 2005); Butler v. Ysleta Independent School District, 161 F.3d 263, 270-71 (5th Cir. 1998); Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins., 101 F.3d 514, 517 (7th Cir. 1996); Gallant v. Board. of Trustees, 997 F. Supp. 1231, 1232, 1234-35 (N.D. Cal. 1998).

The 2008 ruling in Reeves justified its jettisoning of the discriminatory intent requirement by saying that such intent is not required in racial harassment cases. But even if that were in fact true (and it does not appear to be in some circuits, see Caver v. City of Trenton, 420 F.3d 243 (3d Cir. 2005) (holding that racial harassment plaintiff, just like sexual harassment plaintiff, must show that “(1) he suffered intentional discrimination because of his [race]” and “(2) the discrimination was pervasive and regular”), circuit panels are bound by their own past sexual harassment precedents whether or not they seem consistent with other areas of the law, like racial harassment.

And prior Eleventh Circuit rulings, like Cross v. State of Alabama, 49 F.3d 1490, 1507-08 (11th Cir. 1995), had made very clear that a plaintiff “must prove discriminatory motive or purpose” under BOTH Title VII and the Equal Protection Clause (Section 1983), because “the elements of the two causes of action are the same.” Eleventh Circuit judges had reiterated that understanding over and over again. See, e.g., Mitchell v. Pope, 189 Fed. Appx. 911, 913, 2006 WL 197600111, *1 (11th Cir. July 14, 2006) (”elements of the two causes of action are the same”); Downing v. Bd. of Trustees of Univ. of Alabama, 321 F.3d 1017, 1023 (11th Cir. 2003) (”Cross holds that the elements of a sexual harassment claim under Title VII and the Equal Protection Clause are the same — meaning that the employee must prove that the state actor intended to discriminate because of the employee’s sex”) (opinion later withdrawn for other reasons); Downing, 321 F.3d at 1022 n.9 (In Title VII, “this language is aimed at intentional discrimination, and to prove a violation, a plaintiff must profer either direct or indirect evidence of the employer’s discriminatory intent”).

Moreover, requiring discriminatory intent or purpose is consistent with how courts handle other types of Title VII harassment cases based on the very same language, such as religious harassment cases, where discriminatory treatment and intent are required. See Rivera v. Puerto Rico Aqueduct and Sewers Authority, 331 F.3d 183, 190 (1st Cir. 2003) (rejecting religious harassment claim because of absence of discriminatory purpose; “Rosario asserts that the lyrics of the song are offensive to her, given her deep religious convictions. We do not doubt this is so. But the question is not whether a religious person could find the song offensive; it is whether religious animus prompted Rivera to sing it to her”). The panel did not explain why those cases should be given lesser weight in sexual harassment jurisprudence than racial harassment cases.

Getting rid of the requirement of discriminatory intent, and allowing suits over overheard comments that have a disproportionate impact on one gender or the other, also raises serious First Amendment problems. See Lyle v. Warner Bros., 132 P.3d 211, 300 (Cal. 2006) (Chin, J., concurring) (sexual harassment liability cannot constitutionally be applied to creative speech, such as that involved in books, newspapers, or television, that is “not directed at or about the plaintiff”). Positions on many sexual or gender issues like feminism, gender-based affirmative action, and how to define sexual harassment, are offensive to some listeners, and are sometimes alleged to be disproportionately more so to one gender than the other (there is a political gender-gap). Moreover, the discriminatory intent requirement is one of the few elements of harassment law that can keep it relatively clear and manageable.

“Sexual harassment” under federal case law is a term of art referring to whatever speech or conduct gives rise to a specified state — a “hostile work environment” — not to “harassment” as defined in the dictionary, or anything closely resembling a traditional tort, like a pattern of invasive conduct by one individual towards another. To be sure, a hostile environment can be created by one malicious individual repeatedly pestering a plaintiff. But it can also (if discriminatory intent is not required) be created gradually by many different people each individually making just one offensive statement within earshot of the plaintiff, if their statements cumulatively add up to a hostile environment over time, even if they harbored no ill-will or discriminatory animus towards the plaintiff. The result, as UCLA Law Professor Eugene Volokh notes, is to effectively force employers to suppress a vast array of otherwise-protected speech. If the discriminatory-intent requirement is not enforced, speech such as classical nude paintings and religious articles in employee newsletters would become potential building blocks of a hostile-environment claim. (By “discriminatory intent,” I merely mean gender-based differential treatment; malice is not always required. See UAW v. Johnson Controls, 499 U.S. 187 (1991)).

To be sure, there are other elements of a harassment claim, like the requirement that the plaintiff show that the conduct complained of is “unwelcome” and occurred “based on sex.” But the very court rulings that ignore the intent requirement often have gutted those other elements, so that they frequently add nothing relevant to the requirement of a “hostile work environment.”

For example, people have responded to my past observation that a harassment plaintiff must show discriminatory intent by noting that harassment is only actionable if it is “unwelcome,” and suggesting that the fact that harassment is “unwelcome” somehow makes it intentional even absent discriminatory motivation or targeting of the plaintiff. See Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57, 68 (1986) (the essence of “any sexual harassment claim is that” the conduct was “unwelcome”).

But the courts that don’t enforce the requirement of discriminatory intent also often interpret “unwelcomeness” so broadly as to make it meaningless as a limit on harassment claims. They assume that harassment is “unwelcome” whenever a plaintiff is subjectively offended by it, even if the defendant had no way of knowing that, or even if the plaintiff used language similar to the defendant, which could have led the defendant to believe that the language was permissible. See, e.g., Galloway v. General Motors, 78 F.3d 1164 (7th Cir. 1996) (dictum); Gary v. Tyson Foods (W.D. Mo. 1999). This matters because, as Fifth Circuit Judge Edith Jones has observed, a common fact pattern in harassment cases is a plaintiff who sues over comments similar to those she herself has frequently made.

Defined purely subjectively, “welcomeness” thus adds nothing to the separate legal requirement that the plaintiff’s work environment be “subjectively hostile.” See, e.g. Harris v. Forklift Systems, 510 U.S. 17, 21-22 (1993) (work environment must be subjectively hostile for plaintiff to recover); Mendoza v. Borden, 195 F.3d 1238, 1245-1246 (11th Cir. 1999)(same). That violates the principle of tort law that one element of a tort should not be read as being duplicated, or subsumed by, another element of the tort.

An old Eleventh Circuit precedent interpreted unwelcomeness as having an objective component, so that a plaintiff who incited a defendant to say offensive things by saying similarly offensive things of her own could not sue based on them. See Henson v. City of Dundee, 682 F.2d 897, 902 (11th Cir. 1982) (to show unwelcomeness, plaintiff must show that she neither “solicited nor incited” the conduct and that she “regarded the conduct as undesirable or offensive”). Thus, it served a notice function that protected some speech. See, e.g., Brief of Center for Individual Rights and Boston Coalition for Freedom of Expression as Amici Curiae in Support of the Petition for Certiorari in Avis Rent A Car System v. Aguilar, 529 U.S. 1138 (2000) (citing cases and EEOC rulings that interpreted “unwelcome” as having an objective component).

Some other federal appeals courts, like the Eighth Circuit, continue to follow this rule, barring plaintiffs from hypocritically suing the employer for comments made by their co-workers that are similar to those made by the plaintiffs themselves, under the theory that they have objectively welcomed such comments. See, e.g., Scusa v. Nestle U.S.A., Inc., 181 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 1998); Hocevar v. Purdue Frederick Co., 223 F.3d 721, 737 (8th Cir. 2000).

But some courts (especially state courts) do not, viewing the requirement as unfashionable and outdated. By interpreting “unwelcomess” as purely subjective, they have effectively dispensed with any notice to the accused, who is now deemed a harasser if his speech unintentionally creates a hostile environment.

What is a “hostile environment” can be very vague, as a federal appeals court noted in Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins. Co, 101 F.3d 514 (7th Cir. 1996). Indeed, a Maryland civil rights agency warned that “the legal boundaries” of what is actionable “are so poorly marked,” that “the best course of action is to avoid” any potentially offensive remarks. Reflecting the ambiguity, federal appeals courts differ greatly among themselves as to what conduct they believe is severe or pervasive enough to create a hostile environment. Within the same district, different juries often find starkly similar conduct to either not constitute harassment at all, or to be so patently and egregiously harassing as to warrant punitive damages. I used to work as an attorney at the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, and there was certainly nothing clear about how we interpreted our sexual harassment guidance.

When someone other than the courts is enforcing a ban on harassment, the courts immediately recognize the disturbing vagueness of the “hostile environment” concept. For example, the Ninth Circuit overturned a public college professor’s discipline for unintentionally creating a hostile environment on vagueness grounds in Cohen v. San Bernardino Valley College, 92 F.3d 968 (9th Cir. 1996). And the Oregon Supreme Court, on state constitutional grounds, overturned a civil-rights agency’s fine on an evangelical Christian employer for unknowingly creating a hostile work environment through religious proselytizing in Meltebeke v. Bureau of Labor and Industries, 903 P.2d 351, 363 (Or. 1995), even though it found that the conduct indeed violated the agency’s hostile-environment harassment rule, because ignoring the employer’s intentions would have a chilling effect on freedom of religion. And in Dambrot v. Central Michigan University, 55 F.3d 1177 (6th Cir. 1995), the court struck down a college’s hostile environment harassment code as unconstitutionally vague, since whether the code was violated turned partly on the subjective reactions of listeners.

But the courts are sometimes blind to the vagueness of the “hostile work environment” concept when they themselves apply harassment law through damages liability — even though the First Amendment vagueness doctrine applies to civil as well as criminal liability, see Bullfrog Films v. Wick, 847 F.2d 502 (9th Cir. 1998), and the Supreme Court has long recognized that the “fear of damage awards” in a lawsuit can chill speech even more than “the fear of prosecution.” See New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 264, 277 (1964).

“The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, responsible for ensuring that the nation’s workers are treated fairly, has itself willfully violated the Fair Labor Standards Act on a nationwide basis with its own employees, an arbitrator has ruled.”

The EEOC has a much worse record of labor and civil-rights violations than most corporations and agencies with a similar-size workforce.

The EEOC was found guilty of systematic, illegal, reverse discrimination (discrimination against white males) in Jurgens v. Thomas, 29 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 1561, 1982 WL 409 (N.D.Tex.1982). When he was head of the EEOC, Clarence Thomas tried but apparently failed to end the reverse discrimination that went on in the agency.

The EEOC also has had a lot of sexual harassment lawsuits against it (and I am talking about real sexual harassment, not weak claims based on a couple of off-color jokes, the sort of trivial thing the EEOC itself might unsuccessfully sue a private employer over).See, e.g., Spain v. Gallegos, 26 F.3d 439 (3rd Cir.1994).

In short, the EEOC is like “the fox guarding the henhouse.” See John Berlau, “Discrimination at the Opportunity Commission,” Insight, May 19, 1997.

The EEOC continued to discriminate against white male employees, including those white males, like attorney Joseph Ray Terry, that it sent to defend affirmative action in court. See, e.g., Terry v. Gallegos, 926 F.Supp. 679 (W.D. Tenn. 1996) (court ruled that agency discriminated against attorney Joseph Ray Terry, who has long argued in court on behalf of affirmative action).

Ironically, Terry, after winning his reverse discrimination suit, argued that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 preempted California’s state constitutional amendment banning reverse discrimination. I and the other attorneys who represented the amendment’s sponsors successfully argued that it did not. Although a trial judge agreed with him, the federal appeals court for the Ninth Circuit overturned that decision, and upheld the amendment, known as Prop. 209. That court also rejected claims by the ACLU that Prop. 209, by mandating equal treatment for whites, Asians, and males, and thus prohibiting many forms of affirmative action, itself violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution. See Coalition for Economic Equity v. Wilson, 122 F.3d 692 (9th Cir. 1997). (The ACLU also argues that free speech, privacy, jury trial, and other constitutional rights need to be restricted to protect minorities).

The world would be a better place if the EEOC spent more time rooting out discrimination in its own ranks, and less time trying to ban offensive words protected by the First Amendment, and less time suing the Salvation Army for requiring employees to speak English (a lawsuit far more harmful than the EEOC’s silly lawsuit against Hooters).

The EEOC seems hypocritical, but perhaps no more so than a President who harps endlessly on “responsibility” while proposing a budget that would increase projected deficits by $4.8 trillion to $9.3 trillion, flouting his repeated campaign promise to implement a “net spending cut” if elected (plus a pork-filled $800 billion stimulus package that will shrink the economy).

It’s not a good thing for a lawyer when you argue in the Supreme Court and the Justices are confused about your position. But that happened on December 2 in the case of Fitzgerald v. Barnstable School Committee, where Justices and court reporters alike were confused about what a school system’s lawyer was arguing in her oral argument. That’s too bad, because the lawyer’s argument on behalf of the school board was basically correct.

Fitzgerald is a sexual harassment case alleging “peer harassment” by a student against another student. The peer-harassment angle is important, because students aren’t state actors, so the standard of liability under the Constitution (which requires “state action”) is logically different than under Title IX (which doesn’t require any “state action”). (Making the Constitutional standard as broad as Title IX would produce all sorts of bizarre consequences by gutting the Constitution’s “state-action” doctrine)

Under Title IX, school boards are liable for “deliberate indifference” by school officials (or the school board itself) that allows harassment by one student against another to continue. (The plaintiff in Fitzgerald lost on her Title IX claim because she failed to show deliberate indifference, according to a federal appeals court).

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There’s an interesting case pending in the Supreme Court, Fitzgerald v. Barnstable School Committee, that could make Title IX irrelevant in many cases, by creating a vast new constitutional tort of sexual harassment, if the plaintiffs have their way. And amazingly enough, the Massachusetts school board that’s the defendant seems inclined to let the plaintiffs have their way. (Massachusetts’ bizarre state laws provide a possible explanation for this mystery). [UPDATE: THE SCHOOL BOARD LATER CONTESTED SUCH AN EXPANSION OF LIABILITY AT ORAL ARGUMENT on December 2].

Under Title IX, a federal law passed by Congress to expand women’s rights against sex discrimination, schools are liable if they’re “deliberately indifferent” to sex discrimination by third parties, like sexual harassment by students. But the federal Constitution is a different story. Not every case where Harry pesters Sally is a constitutional case, even if it violates Title IX.

Conduct isn’t unlawful “discrimination” for federal constitutional purposes when it’s done by a private party, even if it’s a private entity that possesses a valuable state liquor license (Moose Lodge v. Irvis) or is housed in state property like a dormitory (United States v. Morrison (2000)).

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