Tax Breaks

Creative destruction is never easy for an economy to digest, especially when the industry involved has an exceptionally loud megaphone to amplify its screaming. In a report released on Monday, former Washington Post editor Leonard Downie Jr. (with co-author Michael Schudson) insists that Americans take “collective responsibility” for fostering journalism and news reporting (saving unprofitable, poorly-managed news outfits). Of course, Downie doesn’t directly ask citizens for money – that would be uncouth. Instead, he suggests that universities and nonprofits, internet service providers and telecoms, and (of course) the government cough up the dough.

Downie’s idea of putting news in the hands of universities is destined to fail. Calling on universities to become news institutions is asking already-hard-up-for-cash colleges to take on a responsibility for which they have absolutely no obligation. Universities’ core function is to transform high school graduates into employable professionals or academic researchers (granted, some colleges and certain disciplines achieve this end better than others). Outside of that, many universities already support student journalism in the form of campus newspapers and radio stations. Some student journalists even go as far as to report on local and state issues. However, student reporters can only do so much, and in the wake of this year’s tuition hikes, taking on the responsibilities of failed newspapers is an expense that most public universities can’t afford.

Outrageously, Downie also wants to put telecoms on the hook for bailing out reporting, suggesting that the FCC collect fees from internet service providers to be used for a national “Fund for Local News.” He’s blind to the fact that telecoms and ISPs have done nothing but help disseminate news and information. There is more reporting, more information, more news available to us today than there ever has been in the history of civilization. It’s true that there’s a lot of garbage out there, but there’s a lot of very good online journalism as well. Nearly everything published online is subject to peer-review from a massive amount of people, and the success of sites like Wikipedia are proof that accountability, credibility, and accuracy matter just as much online as they do offline.

Downie’s most unbelievably bad idea is that the government should save journalism by fixing the tax code so that newspapers can operate as nonprofit entities. Whether the government directly bails out big newspapers or allows them nonprofit status, the result is the same: tax money doled out to one group has to be taken from another. But setting aside arguments against higher taxes, there’s an even more important question here: don’t these whining establishment journalists realize that government-supported journalism completely goes against the very idea of the 4th estate, the estate that Burke deemed “more important than them all?” The press are supposed to be the good guys, the ones keeping their eyes on the government, not the guys asking for government handouts. Only a fool would think that direct subsidies or preferential tax status won’t come with any political sanctions, explicit or implied.(And this administration isn’t above threatening legal action against companies that say things it doesn’t like).

It’s no secret that “Big Journo” can’t survive in the information age with its current business model. In his recent WaPo column, Downie proclaims that “preserving independent, original, credible reporting” is paramount to maintaining civil society. Yet his proposed methods for doing so are so far out of line with that goal that it calls his credibility into question, and instead makes him look like a shill for the big papers. CEI’s own Iain Murry explains the situation best: “American society can step in to preserve journalism by buying the papers. If they don’t, they have already said that they don’t want to preserve journalism as it stands. If a paper falls on the doorstep, and no one reads it, does it have a point?”

Aside from the fact that the Senate lacks the necessary votes to pass its version of the stimulus, the bill does actually have a much more in-depth plan for broadband expansion into unserved and underserved areas of the country.  In stark contrast, the House version has no concrete plan.

The Senate version of the stimulus raises the amount of money spent on broadband up to $9 billion, much more than $2.825 billion in the House version.  But either amount is a dangerous giveaway to broadband providers.  Already we’ve seen banks that have been similarly “stimulated” subject to strings attached to federal dollars.  CEO pay is being limited, and more micromanagement by the administration and regulators is sure to follow.  The same will be true for broadband providers should they choose to accept federal funds.

The Senate bill also providers tax credits for companies that receive grants to build these networks in rural areas.  This is determined by the grantee adding 10% of the expenditures for current generation broadband (this is adjusted to 20% of the expenditures if the network is being introduced to an unserved area) to 20% of the expenditures for next generation broadband.  The resulting total is the tax credit that the grantee can apply for.  In the bill, current generation broadband has been defined as a 5 Mbps up and 1 Mbps down, and next generation broadband as 95 Mbps up and 20 Mbps down.

All of this amounts to a convoluted way of subsidizing the broadband industry, risking the “strings-attached”  trap that has already been set for other industries.

However, the Senate version of broadband stimulus does not make grantees abide by the FCC’s net neutrality policy statement.  Should a stimulus bill pass, it should be the bill that best benefits consumers and maintains a free market in the long run.  Even though the Senate version funnels more federal money at broadband subsidies, it at least makes an attempt to avoid the “strings-attached” problem by prohibiting this ill-conceived FCC policy from being enforced as if it were actual law or a proper rule, which it isn’t.

Again, the contrast between this bill and the House version is significant.  The House bill gives grantees little money, asks them to bear most of the burden of build-out, and then regulates and taxes these new networks as a reward for the companies’ efforts.  This strategy is doomed to fail .

The Senate version would encourage rural expansion of broadband and reward companies for taking risks.  If such a stimulus must pass, at the very least it should contain this sort of policy approach.