“Wall Street” finance

Zachary Goldfarb, a Washington Post staff writer, discusses (p. A10, “SEC Moves to Limit Short Sales of Stocks”) this SEC proposal – sympathetically.  The article is naïve – buying the complaint of “High-profile Wall Street executives” that short sellers “played an outsized role in crashing the stock values of several major financial services companies.”  Now, it is certainly true that when an asset value is falling, some will anticipate further declines and sell short – just as many will anticipate that an asset whose values are rising will rise further and buy long.

But in politics, as elsewhere, while success has a thousand fathers, losses are orphans.  Thus, many clamor for curbs on short selling, but there are few calling for curbs on those betting on things still going up.  That is we critique irrational exurberance but we penalize only rational prudence.  The story betrays this bias wonderfully in a telling quote: “The SEC [proposed rules are]… making it more difficult for speculators to pounce on a stock when it is already declining sharply.”  (italitics mine).

Imagine SEC rules designed to make it more difficult for speculators to pounce on a stock when it is already increasing sharply!

When markets boom, politicans take credit.  When markets tank, politicians blame the speculators.  Unfortunately, this bias means that Congress may further cripple the market’s ability to stabilize, to ensure that all information positive as well as negative reaches the market price.  Suppressing information is a bad deal – in civil societies and in the market.

The U.S. Senate voted to confirm Timothy F. Geithner tonight, but the vote was closer than expected with more “nays” than any previous nominee of President Barack Obama. The 60-34 confirmation was also the first nomination vote of the Obama administration with any Democrat voting no.

Because of the nagging questions remaining about Geithner’s failure to pay four years worth of self-employment taxes and his role in designing the Troubled Asset Relief Program, four members of the Democratic caucus joined with 30 Republicans in opposing Geithner’s nomination. (10 Republicans unfortunately voted for him). Those four are Tom Harkin of Iowa, Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, Robert Byrd of West Virginia and Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the independent self-proclaimed socialist who usually caucuses with Democrats.

“Had he not been nominated for treasury secretary, it’s doubtful that he would have ever paid these taxes,” Byrd said, according to the Associated Press report. Harkin asked during the Senate floor debate how someone of Geithner’s supposed “financial sophistication” could have made such careless mistakes, and not corrected them for all the years he made the errors until Obama nominated him. “How can Mr. Geithner speak with any credibility or authority?” Harkin said.

A Rasmussen poll late last week found that 41 percent of Americans oppose Geitner’s nomination and two-thirds think that his confirmation would show that different standards and rules apply to powerful people. This impression was confirmed by statements such as that of Sen. Kent Conrad, D-N.D., that “in normal times, that would be enough to cause me to oppose his nomination, but these are not normal times.” The perception that both corporations and individuals can be “too big to fail” because of their supposed importance undermines the very credibility needed to restore confidence in our financial system.

While his serious tax infractions should have still disqualified him from heading a department that enforces the nation’s tax laws, there are steps Geithner can take to assuage these concerns. He can call for an end to government policies that prop up failing institutions with taxpayer dollars. The failures could be orderly and arranged to minimize damage to the financial systems, but big corporations must be allowed to fail, just as small businesses do every day. That would send a message that no business or individual plays by a different set of rules.

And given his own serious breach of the tax laws, which he only corrected completely after being chosen as Treasury Secretary nominee, Geithner should show sympathy with the difficulties of individuals and small businesses in dealing with the complexities of taxes and regulations. New financial regulations from the Treasury Department should be carefully thought out so that they don’t hinder small investors and entrepreneurs. If Geithner reflects on and learns from his personal and policy errors, he can be a more effective Treasury Secretary.

When news broke of Bernard Madoff’s alleged $50 billion worldwide Ponzi scheme, news accounts first protrayed him as a shadowy hedge fund manager outside the scope of regulation by the Securities and Exchange Commission. But as the sheer magnitude of the fraud became clearer, so did the picture of Madoff’s place in the Wall Street-Washington world.

Madoff’s businesses were actually subject to a variety of financial regulations, something Madoff would actually use as a selling point to investors. Last year in a speech, Madoff said, “In today’s regulatory environment, it’s virtually impossible to violate rules.” He registered as an investment adviser in 2006, and had been under the SEC’s extensive regulatory framework for securities broker-dealers since he founded his firm almost 50 years ago.

And far from being a shadowy figure, Madoff was a pillar of the financial establishment. He showered campaign contributions on politicians, mostly Democrats. He was also quite chummy with many of the financial regulators charged with overseeing him.

For instance, Clinton administration SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt, who has championed onerous mandates like the burdensome Sarbanes-Oxley accounting mandates to preserve “market intergrity,” appointed Madoff during his SEC tenure to what the New York Times describes as “a large advisory commission … that explored the rapidly changing structure of the financial markets.”

An even closer connection was SEC assistant inspections director Eric Swanson who, according to CNBC reporter Charles Gasparino, “was part of the team that examined Madoff’s brokerage firm” in 1999 and again in 2004. “During those exams, the SEC team said it found almost nothing wrong,” Gasparino writes in The Daily Beast. In 2007, after leaving the SEC, Swanson married Madoff’s niece Shana, who is the regulatory compliance attorney at her uncle’s firm

While there is no evidence of wrongdoing with regard to Madoff by either Levitt or Swanson, SEC officials, for whatever reason, looked the other way, despite numerous allegations and “red flags,” some received as early as 1992. And since 1999, rival investment manager Harry Markopolos had sent the agency detailed analysis of why he though Madoff consistent postive returns were mathematically impossible without running a Ponzi scheme or insider trading. In a 2005 submission he made to the SEC that was recently made public by the Wall Street Journal, Markopolos charged that it was “highly likely” that “Madoff Securities is the world’s largest Ponzi scheme.”

But despite the SEC’s incompetence in heeding these warnings, many are still arguing that to prevent future Madoff-type frauds, we need more regulations that give more power to the SEC. But it’s hard to see how any additional powers could have made a difference in this case, given that the SEC almost seemed determined to look the other way for violations of the most basic rules against securities fraud that had long been in place.

Since hedge funds were among Madoff’s clients (and biggest victims, as this WSJ editorial points out), calls are again being intensified for further hedge fund regulation to bring them under the cumbersome registration process for investment advisers. (The SEC already has full authority to investigate hedge funds and other unregistered investment entitities if there are suspicions of fraud.) This is what the agency tried to do a few years ago, only to have a three-judge federal appeals court panel throw out the rule in 2006 in a unanimous finding that the agency had stretched the law.

But the SEC can’t argue that this would have helped them prevent Madoff’s fraud, because, as noted above, Madoff had registered as an investment adviser in 2006, and was registered as a broker-dealer for decades.

This broker-dealer registration gave the SEC full power to investigate all affiliated businesses. As MarketWatch commentator David Weidner pointed out (in a column with a curious headline about “lack of regulation” that is the exact opposite of the author’s point — often columnists, unlike bloggers, don’t wite their own headlines), “Broker-dealers are supposed to be the most scrutinized of the investment community. If Madoff was running separate businesses, the SEC and FINRA should have been looking at all of them as a whole.”

In fact, the fact that Madoff was under such heavy regulation probably helped him in constructing the alleged facade. As business reporters Binyamin Appelbaum and David S. Hilzenrath wrote in their perceptive Washington Post article, “the fraud Madoff allegedly constructed was successful in part because it avoided the appearance of risk.” The article quoted an expert as saying that SEC regulators “had to make judgments, and they decided to look at derivatives, short sales, insider trading, all the things that Madoff never had.”

So The SEC was too busy hounding unregistered hedge funds, short-sellers, and entrepreneurial companies for trivial minutiae from Sarbanes-Oxley and other mandates to notice the fraud right in front of them. The regulators didn’t just “drop the ball,” as President-Elect Barack Obama recently asserted. They lost focus on where the most important “ball” was.

Getting that “ball” back by paying attention to warning signs about where the real fraud is, and rolling back the mounds of red tape on honest investors and entrepreneurs that also wastes the time the agency has to go after the real problems, must be the number one priority of newly designated SEC chairman Mary Schapiro.

Here’s some insightful comments from Thomas Haynes, a friend of CEI’s:

There’s a very interesting debate that could be conducted on who’s the madam, who’s the john and who’s the pimp in the relationships between the executive branch, the legislative branch and the financial services industry, but only so much of that debate can take place on Internet.

I did, however, want to note to those involved in the debate over TARP that my experience as a borrrower, plus some candid comments from bankers, make it crystal clear that these public funds are not being deployed for the stated public purpose of making credit more available and more affordable and thus stimulating (or resuscitating) economic activity.  The credit markets that we tapped were both flowing and reasonably priced shortly before the bailout bill. They continue to flow now, but they are no longer priced as reasonably.  Credit spreads over benchmarks (LIBOR being the most relevant) have widened by 150 basis points since late September.  Every banker I’ve spoken too  confirms this, citing supply demand and cost of money factors.  When you question the cost of money component, however, they begin to stammer once your make the point that either LIBOR or the fed funds rate, or some combination of the two, should be very precise indicators of the cost of funds for big banks.


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My friend and former colleague Radley Balko posts a video that captures the new economic reality in America.